THE FEDERAL CITY OF WASHINGTON.

BY J. G. KOHL.

IN the selection of the capitals of their states, the Americans have generally been guided by two considerations, the first of a political, the second of a geographical nature. They desired before all to keep the legislative assemblies, governors, and officials, who were resident at these towns, free from the influences of party, and especially of the turbulent mob ever found in large cities, and hence they never selected the most populous town as the seat of government. At the same time they sought, as far as possible, to hit the geographical centre of the state territory. Hence, a district where these two requirements were satisfied, was frequently staked out in the middle of a forest or prairie, and then the necessary buildings were erected for the legislature-first barns, then houses, and finally palaces.

The same views prevailed at the close of the last century, when a political centre for the entire Confederation was sought. Hitherto, President and Congress had resided at various cities, for a while at Annapolis, the capital of Maryland, at Philadelphia, and so on. There was an unwillingness to give preference to any of the larger cities, and hence the states of Maryland and Virginia were induced to surrender a district of about ten square miles, and in 1793 the building of the new city was commenced on an elevation in the centre of this territory on the mouth of the Potomac. The locality appeared suitable, because it was near the centre of the Confederation. It was nearly the mid-point of the Atlantic coast-range from Maine to Florida, which then formed the great portion of the Union, as the latter did not yet contain the Far West, Mexico, or Texas. At the same time it lay on the border-line between the Free and Slave States, but unfortunately on the territory of the latter. The influence of the Southern States and statesmen, which had hitherto dominated in the Union, may have been the reason that Washington was established on slave territory. The Southern Confederation, consequently, at this moment regards the state and its district as belonging to its section, and should it conquer the city it would be only regaining its own.

The federal capital necessarily bears the character of all the other seats of government in the country, which resemble straggling villages set down in the midst of a pleasant landscape, though some here and there have assumed urban elements. Washington extends along the water-side for more than five miles, and covers nearly as much ground as London, with its population of two and a half millions. But only fifty thousand souls are scattered over this wide field, and hence we can imagine what an unfinished aspect it offers. The streets are miles in length and superfluously broad, and in the suburbs small cottages stand at wide intervals. Only in the centre is there a more compact body, and the whole resembles a frame of Berlin wool work, in which the fair embroideress has made spasmodic attempts at a commencement. The Americans, who, in ordinary life, have given their large towns a popular sobriquet, are hence accustomed, in joke, to call Washington "the city of magnificent distances." The plan for the city was designed as if intended for a second

THE FEDERAL CITY OF WASHINGTON.

Rome, but the expectations have been wofully deceived during the past seventy years' growth of the city. There is no state in the world which possesses proportionately so small, scantily populated, and shabby a capital as the American Union.

In accordance with the system of counterpoises affected in the constitution, Washington contains two principal centres, Congress House and the President's Mansion, better known as the "White House." situated on an elevation, and from each as a centre radiate large streets, Each is here called" avenues." Such an arrangement gives the public squares and blocks of houses a very unpleasant-looking shape, for, wherever the main arteries are intersected by other streets, irregular triangles are formed, which are difficult to make use of, and offer an ugly aspect.

The avenues have received their names from the States of the Union: one is "New York Avenue," another "Ohio Avenue," and so on. of these, Pennsylvania Avenue, connects the House of Congress and the One White House in a straight line, and is hence one of the principal arteries of circulation in the city. It was for a long time the only paved street in Washington, and, indeed, the majority of the streets are still without that useful article. During rainy weather, consequently, the city is a swamp, and in the dry season constantly full of dust clouds. Along Pennsylvania Avenue are the principal shops, and hence it is the favourite, almost sole promenade, of the fair sex. The public processions march along this avenue, and it is to a certain extent the Via Sacra of this American New Rome. The President, after being installed at the Capitol, also drives triumphantly along Pennsylvania Avenue to the White House. As this road runs from one hill to the top of another, with the Capitol and the White House in the distance, it might have become a splendid street had the other public buildings been erected along its line. But that is not the case; on the contrary, the different large governmental buildings have, I know not for what reason, been scattered over distant parts of the city. Concealed among clumps of small private houses, with which they do not harmonise, their splendour is thrown away, while, had they been arranged along the above avenue, they would have formed a magnificent colonnade, and produced a very imposing effect.

The Capitol, the gathering-place of the two Houses of Congress, is built on the highest point in the city at the edge of a plateau, that gradually slopes away to the water's edge. Pleasant gardens adorn the slopes, and you walk through flower-beds and playing fountains to the palace. Ten years ago this Capitol was regarded as one of the most magnificent edifices in the world, and was commenced in 1815, after the destruction of the old confined building by the English. It consisted then of two richly decorated wings, the main building being adorned with a large rotunda and dome. Even at that period the building had the respectable length of 352 feet, but it was found much too small for the requirements of the rapidly growing republic, and in 1851 two fresh wings were begun, each 240 feet in length, and a splendid new dome substituted for the former one. the new wings of marble, the whole being in the most florid Corinthian The old building is of carved stone, and style. The American Capitol thus offers a striking contrast to the English Houses of Parliament, which have remained true to the Gothic,

but the Americans do not care for traditional and historic Germanism. They wished to place themselves on a level with the Greeks and Romans, and leap over mediævalism to bring back the golden age. I believe that there are more Corinthian and Ionic pillars in America than ever were in Greece. Hence, the name of "Capitol" and the title of "Senate" were taken from Rome, and they wished even to have a Tiber in Washington. A little muddy stream, which in winter bears a little water along the base of the Capitol, but in summer is hardly liquid enough for geese, is, consequently, called "Tiber creek."

One of the new wings contains the Senate Hall, the other that of the Representatives, and a number of rooms remain over for the archives and library of Congress, and a meeting hall, open to the general public, in the Rotunda. The innumerable rooms glisten with gold and gay colours, and all sorts of well-intended pictures-portraits of Washington, scenes from American history, as well as frescoes, meant to glorify agriculture, navigation, trade, and other social avocations, which cover the walls. What American sculptors have effected for the decoration of the Capitol is scarce worth aesthetic criticism, although the ethnographer who investigates the character of a nation can find abundant employment and satisfaction in the study of these marble abortions of American fancy. I cannot here give a detailed description of these marvels, but will allude to a few. Among other things, I was specially struck by the way in which "Commerce" was personified. It was not after the Greek fashion, in the idealised manner of a lightly soaring Mercury, for that would have been too far fetched for the Americans. They desired their artists to dig into the strata of human life. Hence, in order to reproduce an image of Commerce, the sculptor took a New York book-keeper, and seated him under the portico of the Capitol, with inkstand, pen, desk, and stool, all carved in marble, and around him bales and bags of money, bearing the trade mark of the house, just as they may be seen in the port. Even on the money-bags the astonishing number of dollars each contains is carefully carved, and the marble tradesman among them wears a coat and necktie in the New York fashion, and has the thoroughly Yankee features of Mr. Thompson or Smith. Very naturally particular attention has been paid to the portrayal of the steam-engines, machines, and tools. The Americans admire these things greatly, and go into ecstasies about their truth and fidelity to life. An entire cargo of such statues arrived from Rome, where a celebrated and highly-honoured American artist invented and carved them. It is astonishing that this gentleman forgot so little in the home of art, and estimated his countrymen so correctly, in spite of the Italian air he inhaled.

These productions are quite new, and when I saw them were hardly unpacked. But the statues patched on to the old building are in no better style, and among them is one of Columbus, which may defy the most tasteless specimen of art in the world. The figure of this hero is produced in an advancing position: he appears to be in a hurry, and chasing like a busy Boston broker. The world he circumnavigated, and discovered to be round, he holds in his hand, like an orange he is offering for sale. He reminded me of a skittle-player preparing to floor all ten pins at a throw, and this was probably the leading idea of the American creator of the work. In the gardens round the Capitol there are various art pro

ductions, in a similar style; for instance, a statue of Washington, by Greenough. The good general is nearly as nude as the Jupiter Capitolinus, and sits on a chair among the flowers and shrubs, utterly without rhyme or reason, for a seated statue can only be thought of in connexion with a temple or other building.

A few equestrian and foot statues-fortunately but a few-may be noticed in the open squares of the city, and are all in the style of the above described book-keeper. Such, for instance, are, at the White House, the statue of Jefferson and an equestrian statue of Jackson, in Lafayette-square. In both we have Yankees most faithfully copied from the life, and the features are no more idealised than in a photograph. Daguerreotyping life is the highest point American sculptors strive after: they cling to reality because they do not possess the genius to idealise. This statue of Jackson is highly praised by the Americans, because the horse, though at a gallop, balances itself on its two hind legs, without any further support. This artistic effect is said to be produced by a cleverly-calculated arrangement of the heavy metal in the hollow body of the statue, but the American has a practised hand in everything connected with weighing and measuring.

This is displayed in other edifices besides the Capitol: the proportions of the majority are not only grand but pleasing to the eye. I hardly think there is a building in all London to be compared for design and site with the Post-office, the "City Hall," or the "Patent Office." All these are magnificent palaces of marble, which may seek their equal through the world, but unfortunately they form no ensemble.

The public localities and offices given up to the clerks in these palaces are of a nature to make a European reflect on what he has seen in his own country. They form a most favourable contrast with similar localities in England, France, or Austria. Any one who has had occasion to take a peep at the crowded offices of a French or Austrian police bureau, or the antechambers of a Russian governor of a province, will have discovered there a class of suffering humanity that deserves his compassion. This class of hungry, shabbily-dressed officials, overheaped with work and cares, does not exist in America, though, on the other hand, the employés in that country are only sure of remaining in the service for four years. They have no prospect of pensions, medals, and gradual promotion: but the office is not converted into a torture-room during their period of service. They have not only a sufficient salary, but spacious, cheerful apartments in which to carry on their several duties.

The democratic principle, which obtains in this country in everything, has naturally regulated these matters after its own fashion. Hence the scale of salaries in the United States does not reach so thick a point at one extreme, nor so thin a one at the other, as is the case among our selves. What a fearfully long ladder it is in Germany from the chief of a department down to the lowest and most poorly paid clerk! What a short leap it is in America from the 5000 or 6000 dollars of a secretary of state to the salary of a man who only understands writing and arithmetic, and yet cannot be procured under 1000 or 1500 dollars a year! The same parallel exists in the fitting up of the public rooms and offices; the minister whom you visit to talk over the affairs of the world you find

in a cabinet containing everything that is necessary, but little more; and if you walk through the rooms of his vice-secretaries and subordinates, you find the lowest of these with his comfortable easy-chair and everything he needs.

In Washington, more than any other city of the United States, you have an opportunity to observe and study this peculiar official world. Not only do the principal officials, the supreme judges, and the highest military authorities, with their respective appendices, live here the greater part of the year, but a multitude of place-hunters are constantly present in Washington. That seeking after office should have grown to such a head in our old Europe, where all other paths are crowded, is easy to comprehend; but that young America should begin so early to suffer from such an evil, I did not find very easy to understand at the first glance. All roads to advancement are still so broad in this country, all the objects of private ambition so accessible and valuable, that we might suppose it would be difficult for the state to obtain the necessary strength and hands to work its machinery. Even the independent feeling of the Americans, who so unwillingly put on the yoke of another, and among whom "Help yourself" has become proverbial, ought, we should think, to have rendered them averse from public service.

Nor can ambition or desire for renown be a great incentive, for the popular spirit in America regards the officials in such wise that very little honour can be acquired in the service of the state. The American officials, from the President downwards, are not externally distinguished by a purple hem on the toga, by orders, brilliant uniforms, and sentries, which could flatter vanity, but, moreover, enjoy remarkably little respect in the hearts of the people. They are not requited by praise and love, like the violet, for their modest and unpretending appearance. The captain of a passenger steamer, the landlord of a large hotel, the director of a bank or railway, the head of a high-standing New York house, the owner of a New England factory, or the founder of a Western colony,such are the men to whom the public of the great republic willingly show respect, and before whom they scatter incense. These boasted "self-made men," they flatter in a frequently exaggerated and even repulsive way. When, on the other hand, you hear how people talk of these publicsalaried officials-including the President and the supreme judges-you must fancy that they are all animated by a sovereign contempt of them. They seem to have a passion for dragging their state officers and public characters through the dust. They speak of them as a master does of his servant, and even a criminal steps into the presence of the magistrate with a most arrogant and insulting air. (By the way, this is another of the resemblances that have been discovered between Russia and America. The emperor speaks of his officials in an openly contemptuous manner, just like the mob-king here.) Nor do American citizens obtain any distinction or honour for having once held a high office, as was the case with the Roman ex-consuls, who always retained an honorary seat in the Senate. When their time has expired, or they no longer please a higher party, they are most suddenly deprived of their office, and thrown overboard from the state vessel into the sea of private affairs, where they either sink or swim onward, if they understand the "Help-yourself" system.