When Mr. Mann rose to speak the men tried to howl him down, an experiment they never repeated. He called for their ringleader and spoke to him as a general would speak to an officer likely to rebel. Before his determination and courage the meeting grew calm and silent. Then seizing the opportunity he pointed out how their strength lay in centralization and full control of all contributions. At this a stalwart loafer called out: "You want to control the money." This again threw the audience into tumult, during which the same voice was heard to call Mr. Mann a thief. Then came the crisis. A police inspector was at the back of the hall with a force of a hundred men. He asked if I wished the hall cleared. While replying to him, Tom Mann went from the platform in the direction of the fellow who had called him a thief with the intention of compelling him to apologize or quit the building. A gangway was made by his assailants, who shrank back cowed by this exhibition of pluck. What would have happened no one knows. Happily for the meeting, and for the loafer, John Burns came in at that juncture and asked whether they had Mr. Norwood there, and order was restored.

AS AN ADMINISTRATOR.

The

When Tom Mann became president of the Dockers' Union, he began the task that most trades unionists regarded as impossible. It was the general opinion that unskilled labor, especially the dockers, could not be held together in trade societies without the excitement of a strike. During the stormy period through which the new unions have passed Tom Mann's administration has done much to demonstrate the possibility of organizing unskilled labor. difficulties seemed endless. Distrust, petty jealousies, unworthy ambitions, and want of capacity, were enough to dishearten any man who simply worked for wages. Well for the dockers and labor generally that there were leaders who looked to the cause rather than the pay. Mr. Mann has a capacity for grasping details and working them into system far above that of any labor leader I have met. His scheme of reorganization of dock work has been commended by many wharfingers and dock directors. It is one of the boldest attempts to absorb casual labor that has been before the public. His pamphlet upon the eight-hour day by trade option shows the same qualities that bid fair to make the London Reform Union a powerful and useful organization. To him belongs the credit of forming that organization, which has a programme big enough for a new political party.

THE LONDON REFORM UNION.

One of Mr. Mann's pet ideals is the unification of the metropolis. The capital city of the world is today nothing more than a group of districts with no more citizenship or common life than the counties, but its unity is within measurable distance; the idea of "one London" has taken hold on the popular mind largely as the result of the work done by the London Reform Union. This vigorous society owes much of its vitality to Mr. Mann, who is now its

secretary without pay. He felt that the money payment was a check to his freedom of utterance on labor questions; his colleagues, though they might differ from him, wanted him to maintain entire liberty of speech and his secretaryship. This he could not do; he agreed to do most of the work, but take no pay. Few men, even among Tom Mann's critics, have shown sufficient regard for liberty of speech to make so considerable a sacrifice to preserve it. Had he been other than the honorable fellow he is, the idea of giving up a good berth for conscience sake would never have troubled him. From the time he worked in the mine as a boy he has shown the capacity for organization.

HIS RELIGIOUS HISTORY.

Born at Foleshill, in Warwickshire, April 15, 1856, he was trained among Church people. In 1870 his family moved to Birmingham. There he came under the influence of Thomas Laundy, a godly Quaker, who conducted Cross street Bible-class. Here Tom Mann found a spiritual home. In the discussions he took a prominent part, and received impressions which have molded all his future. When he left Birmingham for London, he became a teacher in the Sunday school of St. Stephen's Church, Westminster. Then began his theological pilgrimage, which is not yet at an end. From the Church of England he drifted to Mr. Voysey's congregation without finding mental rest. From the idealists he turned to the

Swedenborgians, becoming connected with the church at Argyle Square, under the ministry of the Rev. John Presland. As might have been expected, Mr. Presland's broad sympathies and high culture had considerable influence with the seeker after certainty. He joined the theological class, and read deeply the works of the Swedish seer, taking also a course of reading in Spencer's First Principles and Ruskin. Up to the present his theological position is mainly that of the New Church. Still working at his trade as an engineer, he continued to devote time to Christian enterprise and study. At Chiswick, as at Birmingham, he founded a mutual improvement society, in which he did most of the talking. In 1884 he lectured on "Progress and Poverty." From that lecture may be dated his crusade against the social system-or want of system-of our time. Some of his friends, in mistaken kindness, besought him to leave labor problems alone, and devote his energies to the Bible-class and mutual improvement society. But Tom Mann had seen the light, and received his message. The sinall limits of the Church were all too cramped for his energy. He looked upon social and economic problems as essentially religious. In these, for the time, he found that mental rest which he had failed to discover in theology.

Then came the stormy period to which I referred in the opening words of this sketch. As a socialist agitator he preached discontent at the street corners when platforms were closed against him. His connection with Mr. Champion and John Burns is recent history.

The religious questions which he had shelved have never been quite silent or forgotten. Two years ago he was staying with his wife and four pretty little girls at a seaside resort. Often while his children played upon the beach he and I were discussing vital questions of religion. His attitude toward the churches was still that of an opponent, but his love for the Divine Christ was clearly expressed. He saw plainly that the labor movement must ultimately fail unless it has a firmer foundation than that of a desire for increased wages. The social reconstruction for which he was working could only be based upon religious and economic principles. Indeed, in common with others, he sees that economics, rightly understood, is but the practical application of religion. The labor men are divided broadly into two distinct sects. The majority, who sum the movement up as a “bread and butter agitation," aim at higher wages and shorter hours of work; this is the end they hold before the admiring gaze of the crowd. The other and smaller sect, in which Tom Mann leads, regard the increase of pay and shorter working time not as the end, but as the means to a higher and more human life which shall produce a nobler type of character. The ethical and religious side of social reform has been put to the front by Mr. Mann. This does not involve church membership or the forfeiture of the right to criticise.

His present attitude is clearly indicated in an important article recently published in the Christian Weekly. He says:

Men and women like myself have tried to think the matter out with regard to the position of the Orthodox Church to the condition of the people generally, and have come to the conclusion-not are coming, but have come to the conclusion-that the attitude of the Church toward the welfare of the people is not one of good will, not one calculated to rectify that which is wrong, but that where the Church is not passive it is decidedly hostile to the well being of the people. I say that I am quite sure that a very considerable proportion of the workers of England have come to the conclusion, and because of this they have severed-not are severing, but have distinctly severed -themselves from the Orthodox Church. And in this I rather think they have done wisely. Why they should be called upon to bolster up that which was a Church only for outward ceremonial I cannot understand And for my own part I have felt it necessary (and therefore, if there is to be condemnation I am prepared to come in for my share) to sever what connection I had-and I had a close one-with the Orthodox Church, because of the attitude of the Church generally and its officials toward the condition of the people of Britain. For I came to the conclusion-and I know that is typical of thousands of others -that if we seek aid in this country as a body of workers, if we seek righteous dealing, we cannot get them from those who support the Orthodox Church! This is a very strong statement to make, and one that ought not to be made without the gravest consideration. And I have not made it without having given the most careful thought I am capable of giving to the subject. I am amongst those who are exceedingly jealous of every five minutes spent unwisely. I am exceedingly jealous of every year of my life, and I think rightly so, and if I have come to the con

clusion that certain institutions are circumventing the young who are growing up and tilting their energy in a direction which, to put it mildly, is not the best direction, then we have some right to complain. And I am of opinion that the Orthodox Church is not only not speaking plainly and teaching plainly in what righteousness. really consists, but rather it is covering up misdeeds, it is giving a distorted view, it is encouraging a mischievous view, and it is really turning people aside from righteous dealing, making it exceedingly difficult for the ordinary man or ordinary woman, who wants to understand in what righteousness consists, to come to any satisfactory conclusion. In any case they are not able to learn it from the Orthodox hurch. I say this because I have tried, as no doubt very many of you have tried, to understand exactly what right dealing means, what is the meaning of right as distinct from wrong, harmony as against discord, welldoing as against ill-doing.

WILL HE ENTER THE CHURCH?

Canon Barnett and others have tried hard to win the labor leader for the Establishment. I do not think they will succeed. The fact that Dr. Benson has been in consultation with Mr. Mann and has favorably impressed him may not mean so much as pressmen think. I know many clerical friends have urged him to seek ordination with the avowed intention of attempting the reformation of the Church of England from the inside. The Times paragraph announcing that Mr. Mann would take deacon's orders and be appointed curate of an important London parish, was all too premature. Perhaps the wish was father to the thought. That Tom Mann could democratize the Church is not likely. If that task is accomplished it will be done from the outside. The very admission of the necessity of the work is a terrible condemnation of the institution that claims to be the Church of the people. To-day thousands of men are looking with expectant hope to Mr. Mann. He, above most others, is marked out as the Luther of the social reformation. His practical knowledge and influence fit him to play a leading part in this transition period. The labor movement needs consolidating. For this task he is fitted. In the Church of England he might do much, but outside he could do more. If he wants a parish all England may be his parish; if he wants a pulpit there is the House of Commons. At the last election he might have had a seat without much trouble. More than one constituency was open to him. At the next election it will be his own doing if he is not returned to Parliament. His religious influence is a thousand times greater now than it would be if he turned parson. That influence may be a powerful

lever to lift the workers to a higher level. In the Church it would be almost lost. Institutions must be judged by their record of useful service. The possibilities before the clergy are still great, but they are not what they were. For good or ill the democracy has marched past the Church of England, and regard it as an organization for the better classes-the home of easy-going respectability. Tom Mann in a surplice attending to the ritual of the Church is inconceivable.

AGREEK tragedian's demand for fateful climax,

or a Roman Emperor's taste for thrilling sensation amid spectacular surroundings, must have been fully satisfied by the circumstances under which the Mayor of Chicago was assassinated at the close of the World's Fair. For more than twenty years Carter Harrison had been a conspicuous personality, and for most of that time he had been constantly recognized as the one man who could lead and command the heterogeneous masses of Chicago's working population. Again and again he had been consigned to oblivion by the educated, prosperous and morally earnest classes of the community regardless of party or sect; and at the very times when his complete suppression seemed most inevitable, he rose most triumphantly on the shoulders of overwhelming masses of the common people.

re

His last triumph was the greatest of all. The " sponsible" men of Chicago were determined to place in the Mayor's chair for the period including the six months of the Columbian Exposition a man representing their own ideals of citizenship and public life. They regarded Carter Harrison as the arch representative of all those dangerous and lawless elements whose reinforced presence in Chicago during the Fair was naturally regarded with serious apprehension. Early in the spring of the present year these "better classes"-to use an accepted phrase—were confident that the vast Chicago leviathan was in a serious and responsible mood and could be relied upon not to commit the dangerous levity of placing the city for the fifth time under the rule of the man so generally regarded as a flippant and conscienceless demagogue. But for the fact that Carter Harrison had recently acquired the proprietary control and assumed the nominal editorship of the Chicago Times, there would not have been a single newspaper of importance in the entire city to support his aspirations.

His first step was boldly to enter the Democratic convention and claim the nomination from a party whose candidate he had opposed in the preceding mayoralty contest, and whose defeat he had secured by the division of forces consequent upon his canvass as independent candidate. After a hot struggle - lasting several hours, which he calmly surveyed from his seat on the platform, his cause was won and he was declared the regular Democratic nominee. Excepting his own paper, the leading Democratic journals refused to indorse the result, and gave their support to Mr. Allerton, the Republican candidate, a gentleman of high standing who was selected on the score of emin fitness for the place. The supporters of Allerton were very confident; but Carter Harrison surprised them on election day. The people accorded him the great honor of serving as World's Fair Mayor by a majority of more than 20,000.

There was a sort of consistency in this fidelity to Carter Harrison that the country could hardly help admiring, even though condemning the means by

I cannot say what the condition of Chicago will be as to "cleanliness, good police service, and general municipal efficiency during the World's Fair." All or much will depend upon who will be at the city's head after the April election. The cleanliness will depend: 1, Upon the appropriation made by the present administration for that purpose, but as there is a general demand that it be sufficient, I hope it will be so made, and 2, upon the Mayor who will expend the money. The police force is a large

and splendid body of men. A good Mayor and chief of police can make it very efficient. I hope the people will have sense enough to elect the Mayor, and he will be able to appoint the proper chief. The electric lighting is only partially extended, and seems so far to have proved the wisdom of the experiment. The water supply will be ample and good. I have no fear of a violent epidemic of cholera, should the scourge reach us. Our almost constant winds and the lake will cause it, if here, to be mild. But we hope to escape it.

There is a firm determination among our people that the city will be able to wear a gala dress in which to receive the world. We are naturally given to advertising ourselves, and will not forego the opportunity of a good send-off in the eyes of our great visitation. We think ourselves the salt of the earth and our city the proper location for such salt. We are determined to force the world to concede both propositions.

We will hardly make fools of ourselves at so important a juncture by placing at the head of our affairs an inefficient man. But the world has proved that the exclamation is quite natural-" what fools these mortals be !" It is barely possible we may not prove ourselves an exception. Our city is not in first-class condition financially. Our organic law does not permit us to borrow a cent. To meet ordinary and extraordinary expenditures we must look only to the current tax levy. Judicious handling of the proceeds of this levy, therefore, is absolutely imperative. A partisan press (and mercenary newspaper owners) which prefers a willing tool for its benefit may cause the people to throw away their opportunities. In fine, our people are resolved to put and maintain the city in proper condition to receive the world, and I believe they will not make their resolutions vain.

Very respectfully, etc.,

CARTER H HARRISON.

Even those readers not at all familiar with Mr. Harrison's utterances can detect many of his traits in this eminently characteristic letter; while to those of us who have observed his career for many years it has the Harrisonian qualities of audacity, buoyancy, naiveté and egotism in every line.

There is a

from determination -prople That the city wile : able to wear a galler dress in which

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our guest visitation, the think urselves the salt of the earth &

our city the city the proper Location for such salt. In an seterming seterm to force the world to concede with popositions

FAC-SIMILE OF MAYOR HARRISON'S HANDWRITING.

In connection with this letter, written in anticipation of the most memorable year of Chicago's history, it is worth while to quote from the ardent, unrestrained and bubbling speech made by him on the very day of his death. It was "All Cities" day at the World's Fair, and officials from hundreds of American municipalities were present in a representative capacity, including more than fifty Mayors. Naturally and properly, Mayor Harrison was the central figure. His speech does not have the effect in cold print that it had in the delivery; for his manner was always spontaneous and magnetic, and his personality was charming, distinctive and picturesque to a remarkable degree. But there is a warm Western eloquence and a Chicagoesque amplitude of view in this speech that entitle it to preservation as the last utterance of Chicago's official head at the end of Chicago's glorious Fair, and as the final outburst of that passionate Americanism and immeasurable local pride of which Carter Harrison was so typical an embodiment. The principal paragraphs of his speech, as reported for the newspapers, were as follows:

It is my pleasing duty to welcome you to Chicago to witness the closing scene of this magnificent Exposition.

It is a little chilly weather, but the sun is coming out, and you have a warm beat from the heart of our people.

Thus it is that at the dying scene, while these beauties are passing away, this World's Fair is showing itself in its new majestic proportion as the moment approaches for it to pass away forever.

Mr. Madden has said to you words of praise of the efforts of our sister cities in helping to make this thing a

success.

All who have visited the World's Fair are glad of the opportunity they have had to see such a scene of grandeur, and I myself deeply pity any American who has lost the opportunity of coming here.

I have sometimes said what I would do if I were President of the United States. If I were to-day Grover

It was fitting for us to celebrate the greatest event of the world, the discovery of two continents.

Six months has been altogether too short a time for this greatest of all World's Fairs.

The President should say that it has beate itself, and the American people should to-day make an appropriation through its Congress to preserve these buildings until next year, and notify all the world to come here.

At the end of this week we will have had 22,000,000 admissions to these grounds.

No doubt but many of them have been duplicated many times. There have probably been 10,000,000 or 12,000,000 of Americans inside these grounds.

Genius is but audacity, and the audacity of the wild and woolly West and of Chicago has chosen a star, and has looked upward to it, and knows nothing that it will not attempt, and thus far has found nothing that it cannot achieve.

We have in the United States 65,000,000, aye, nearly 70,000,000 inhabitants, and the Congress should declare that another year be given us that all Americans could have an opportunity to come here. The Exposition, the directory, has not the means to continue it.

It is a national enterprise, and the nation should breathe new life into it and let us have an average attendance of 200,000 a day. This World's Fair has been the greatest educator of the nineteenth century, the greatest this century has seen. It has been the greatest educator the world has ever known.

It was the audacity of genius that imagined this thing. It was the pluck of the people, congregated from all the cities of this Union, from all the nationalities of the world, speaking all languages, drawing their inspiration from 3,000 miles of territory from east to west, from yonder green lake on the north to the gulf on the south, our people, who have never yet found failure. When the fire swept over our city and laid it in ashes in twenty-four hours, then the world said: "Chicago and her boasting is now gone forever." But Chicago said: "We will rebuild the city better than ever," and she has done it.

The World's Fair is a mighty object lesson. But, my friends, come out of this White City, come out of these walls into our black city.

There is a city that was a morass when I came into the world sixty-eight and one-half years ago. It was a village of but a few hundreds when I had attained the age of 12 years in 1837. What is it now? The second city in America.

The man is now born and I myself have taken a new lease of life, and I believe I will see the day when Chicago will be the biggest city in America and the third city on the face of the globe. I once heard Tom Corwin tell a story of a man who was about to be put on the witness stand over near the eastern shores of Maryland. He was fifty years old. He said he was thirty-six. "But," said Mr. Corwin, "you look fifty." Whereat the witness answered, "during fourteen years of my life I lived in Maryland, and I don't count that."

I don't count from the past year, 1892, the 400th anniversary of the discovery of America. I intend to live for more than a half century, and at the end of that half century London will be trembling lest Chicago shall surpass her, and New York will say: "Let us go to the me tropolis of America."

There is an inspiration at this place, and I could go on talking from now till nightfall about the glories of the Fair. We welcome you here, and give you no statistics. We Chicagoans have put millions in these buildings. Chicago has $5,000,000 in them. She will get nothing back, but you won't find a Chicagoan that has come here that regrets the expenditure of that $5,000,000.

The man that says that Chicago has wasted money is a lunatic. It has not been wasted. This Fair need not have a history to record it. Its beauty has gone forth among the people, and the men, the women, the children have looked upon it, and they have all been well repaid for this wonderful education. No royal king ordered it, but the American people, with the gre test pluck, with the pluck born under the freedom of those Stars and Stripes, made this thing possible-possible to a free people. It is an education of the world.

The world will be wiser for it. No king can ever rule the American heart. We have the Monroe doctrine, and America extends an invitation to the rest of the world; and her Stars and Stripes will wave from now on to eternity. That is one of the lessons we have taught. If I go on another moment I will get on to some new ideas. I welco e you all here, I thank you all for coming to us. in the name of Chicago. I welcome you to see this dying effort of Chicago-Chicago that never could conceive what it would not attempt, and yet found nothing that it could not achieve.

Carter Harrison has frequently been called in the press a cousin of President Benjamin Harrison. He

was, in fact, a distant cousin. Benjamin Harrison's grandfather was President William Henry Harrison, and his great-grandfather was Benjamin Harrison, of Virginia, who signed the Declaration of Independence. Carter Harrison's great-grandfather was a brother of Benjamin "the Signer." 'the Signer." Both branches of the family seem to have caught the Western fever after the Revolution, one choosing the north side and the other the south side of the Ohio River. Benjamin Harrison, and his father and grandfather before him, belonged to the Ohio Valley near the line between the States of Indiana and Ohio Carter H. Harrison, like his immediate forebears, was of the Blue Grass region on the Kentucky side of the Ohio River. By intermarriages, Carter's family was closely linked with several of the most distinguished Virginian and Kentucky families. Carter himself had many of the attractive traits that belong to the best type of the 'Kentucky colonel."

It is well known that Carter Harrison aspired to the Presidency of the United States. His invincibility in Chicago had given rise to the opinion that he might be elected Governor of Illinois against a normal Republican majority of more than 40,000. He accepted the Democratic nomination in 1884, but was defeated, though he succeeded in reducing the Republican majority to 14,500. If he had won the Governorship he would have been the "logical candi