O be elected governor of any great middle western state by a larger majority than ever given a gubernatorial candidate of either party is to demonstrate the highest esteem and trust of that commonwealth. Such a distinction was paid J. Frank Hanly in November, 1904, and it was not unmerited. Governor Hanly has stood with La Follette, of Wisconsin, and Folk, of Missouri, for one supreme object, the rigid enforcement of law.

If the parlance of the present still tolerates the epithet, "a self-made man, Governor Hanly is certainly of this type. He was born in a log cabin near St. Joseph, in Champaign County, Illinois, on April 4, 1863. His father, Elijah Hanly, a cooper by trade, soon after his marriage to Ann Eliza Calton, a native of North Carolina, had come to Illinois, and the schooling of the child was of necessity meager. His first triumphs in spelling came at his mother's knee, and probably no boon could have had more potency than a "History of the Civil War, purchased for him by his father when he had attained six years. This he spelled out, This he spelled out, and learned by heart, for the little cabin boasted few such treasures. As he grew up he was unable to attend school but for a few weeks at a time, being employed as an ordinary day laborer on the neighboring farms of Champaign County. The small compensation thus earned went to assist in the support of his parents, a portion being laid aside to aid in acquiring further education. In 1879, with a boy's ambition, he determined to leave. the old cabin, and so started out alone for Warren County, Indiana, being compelled to walk the greater part of the distance for lack of means to pay his way.

Wood sawing and farm labor gave him employment until in winter he was given a six months' school. By dint of careful saving he was thus enabled to attend a few weeks' course in a normal school at Danville.

In 1881 Mr. Hanly was married to Miss Eva Simmer, of Williamsport, and for a number of years he continued to teach school during the winter months, and engaged himself in any honorable work that came to him during the summer. While digging tile ditches in the summer of 1888, at the thoughtful suggestion of Judge Rabb, of Williamsport, he entered. the local campaign, speaking in the counties of Vermilion, Benton and Warren. In this avocation he was at once a pleasing surprise, even to his more ardent friends. He showed himself forceful with logic and patriotic in sentiment; to such an extent, in fact, that the young school teacher had no small number following him from place to place. Frank Hanly was then and is to-day an eloquent orator. A year later saw him admitted to the Warren County bar, and established in Williamsport for the practice of his new profession.

J.

His political career soon began. In 1890 he was elected to the State Senate, and at once he became known as an able debater and legislator. In 1894 he was the choice of the Republicans of the Ninth District for Congress, and was duly elected by a large majority. Here again he made himself felt, though in but for one term. The Indiana State Legislature of 1895 gerrymandered him into a new Congressional District, but owing to wide popularity he came within half a vote of once more being the nominee of his party. Soon after this campaign he removed to Lafayette, Indiana, where he formed a law partnership with State Senator Will R. Wood. Much sought after

as a speaker, Mr. Hanly made an eventful tour of the state in the campaign of 1898, and later when the Legislature began its session he came within a very few votes of defeating Senator Albert J. Beveridge in the Republican caucus. In November, 1904, by the universal choice of the people of his state, he was elected their governor.

In manner Governor Hanly is affable; in judgment, preeminently practical. He has risen because he has been a disciple of "the gospel of hard work." Limited, himself, in education, he is the strong advocate of higher institutions of learning as the builders of broad culture. He is genuinely sincere, not as a matter of

policy, but because his code of ethics is founded on a high moral sense and a loyalty to duty.

Governor Hanly believes the people of Indiana elected him to his office because they desired him to see that her laws were enforced. This he has uncompromisingly endeavored to do. Since the law forbade the gambling evil at race tracks, he saw that it was abolished. Since the law forbade the selling of liquor during illegal hours, he saw that "the lid" was a real factor, and strenuously held down. His position, likewise, in regard to railway legislation has met the approval of many beyond the narrow boundaries of his own state.

HAT are we to expect from that army of men who so lately, under the control of corrupt leaders, made the city of Chicago for months a scene of riot and bloodshed? Is Chicago ever to see the scene reënacted? Shall we see its counterpart at no distant day upon the streets of some other great city?

The answer to these questions must depend upon right or wrong action on the part of various agencies, but principally upon the determined protest of the individual members of the teamsters' unions. There are other questions of even larger import, the answer to which will depend in a great measure upon the same action. Are the fruits of unionism to be destroyed? Are the unions to become mere catspaws for cunning grafters in and out of their ranks? Shall the resistance

of honest employers to a system of blackmail mean for them ruin and disaster?

During a considerable period of its existence hitherto the Brotherhood has been made the instrument for just such work of destruction. Yet, if the inner history of the organization were better known, if the arduous fight carried on for the past three years by its reformers, and the disgust with which so large a proportion of the membership has kept aloof from its councils were better understood, it would appear that it is as difficult for a boss-ridden labor union to assert its true character as for a city to free itself from a Tammany ring. But the former is as possible as the latter. We have seen the city rise up and throw off the yoke. And why not the union?

It must be confessed that no great outward reform demonstrations have taken place since the close of the strike and the exposure that followed. And

the fact that so many Chicago delegates supported President Shea for reëlection looked on its face very bad. Shea's reëlection and the reported endorsement of the strike looked worse. And it is these facts, and the seeming collapse of a reform movement in the union initiated some two years ago, that give rise to the belief that the organization is beyond redemption.

In this pessimistic view of the situation, however, it would seem that the consideration of important attending circumstances, not generally known, has been omitted. And in order to show how the sinister influence of a few men has to so great an extent baffled every honest effort at reform up to the present time, it will be necessary to indicate very briefly the forces at work in the union, and their conflict during the three years of its history.

The events up to July, 1904, have been graphically set forth in an article by Ernest Poole in THE WORLD TO-DAY of that month. There the writer showed how Albert Young, seeing the strategic position for a fight occupied by the teamsters of Chicago, set about organizing them into a compact union. Beginning with a reorganization of the feeble Coal Teamsters' Union, then existing, he made it the germ out of which, first, the various Chicago teamsters' unions, and later the National Teamsters' Union were evolved.

Early in the game John C. Driscoll appeared, who, while ostensibly representing the team owners, whom he gradually organized, was in fact acting with "Al" Young in a combination for bleeding the large employers generally. The system they built up worked like a charm. Young had become a sort of king among the teamsters, whose wages and conditions, to "give the devil his due," he had raised from something akin to those of the sweatshop to those of a not unenviable craft. And it was not long before he had the teamsters of Chicago ready at his back to support him in almost anything he chose to undertake. But it was really Driscoll, through Young, who controlled the army.

And the two together made such good use of this power to swell their private exchequers that Driscoll, from a clerk at $15 a week, was soon in command of salaries aggregating $6,000 a year in

addition to large fees, constantly received, for "settling" strikes.

Driscoll formed, first, the Coal Team Owners' Association, later, five or six other similar organizations, and, finally, the Associated Teaming Interests, in which were represented nearly all the large employers of teamsters, including many of the largest wholesale and retail merchants. He also organized the Chicago Board of Arbitration, as an adjunct to the Associated Teaming Interests. This was composed of seven representatives of the employers with seven from the teamsters' unions, and before it were soon brought nearly all important disputes between Chicago employers and employees. Of all of these organizations, Driscoll was secretary at substantial salaries, and all were made parts of his system of levying upon the employers, "in the interests of peace." In fact, few had the temerity to hope for a peaceful conduct of their business except through the good offices of Driscoll, the "labor commissioner." Meanwhile, every strike that occurred threatened to involve the teamsters. But, at the critical moment, Driscoll would appear, pocket his fees, and all would be serene.

But this course of action soon made the teamsters' union cordially hated, not only by the employers, but by all the other unions. For though the leaders were continually posing as the champions of any and every striking organization, the strikers were invariably left in the lurch as soon as the ends of "Driscoll, Young & Co." were gained. Moreover, the methods of these men were too brazen to be kept long secret, and, little by little, the large, honest element among the leaders began to see which way the wind blew.

A vigorous opposition to Young and his gang was soon organized, and the reformers went to work as quietly as possible among the members of the various unions, to break up the ring. It was only necessary for the rank and file to have their eyes opened to the real state of affairs to rouse them to an indignant and determined resistance. This was in the spring of 1903.

The international convention, to be held in August, at Niagara Falls, was near at hand when the work of awakening the membership was about complete. A

secret caucus was held by the reform leaders, and a ticket made up. At the convention the reform element was in the majority, but did not absolutely control. The situation was complicated by the amalgamation at that time of the "National" with the old "International" union. The consolidation of the two bodies necessarily played a prominent part in all the proceedings. And it was by a cunning advantage of this complication which Young took at an opportune moment that, though failing of election to any office, he managed to retain some control over the affairs of the organization. After the elections were completed, he had a diplomatically couched resolution suddenly introduced, providing that the retiring presidents of both organizations should be members of the new general executive board. Thus Young, as the retiring president of the "National," obtained a place on the board. The same resolution made him general organizer for the International Brotherhood of Teamsters and Helpers, as the new organization was called. The manipulations of Driscoll from the outside, and Young on the inside, also secured a more important advantage, unrealized by the dominant reform element at that time, and to this day not generally understood.

And this brings us to the enigma, Shea, the man of whom, even after the great strike of the past summer, President Gompers, of the American Federation of Labor, was not able to form a clear estimate. And so it is that many more or less intimately connected with the organization of which Cornelius B. Shea has been president for the past two years will have yet to learn that though elected at the Niagara Falls convention by the reform element, he was in fact the creature of Driscoll and Young.

Little was known of Shea at that time outside of his own union in Boston, otherwise he never would have secured the office. But Young had long known him, and had secretly visited him shortly before the convention. The consequence was that Shea was first put forward, apparently as a dark horse, by the DriscollYoung agents. He found the ring could not elect him, and went over to the reformers, who thought it good politics to make him their candidate.

On the day of Shea's first arrival in Chicago, shortly after his election, he was taken to the races in an automobile by Driscoll, Young and Golden, and put through his paces. His appearance a little later before the Joint Executive Council was a signal for the breaking out of a storm of indignation at his association with the graft leaders. He tried bulldozing, but finding the council in too determined a mood to be trifled with, pretended to have his eyes opened, and to be as righteously indignant as the rest. Thereafter, to avoid complications, he remained away from Chicago. He dared not attempt the methods of his would-be tutors, and they, deserted by their protégé, were powerless. The old régime of indiscriminate strikes and "settlements" was over, and for nearly two years Chicago enjoyed unwonted peace.

Meanwhile, in August, 1904, the second international convention took place in Cincinnati. Here, as at Niagara Falls, the reform element was in the majority. But the ring had not been as completely crushed as had been hoped and believed. The Driscoll-Young gang, by dark and devious methods, had regained some of its former power. It was not, therefore, plain sailing for the clean party, and they were obliged to exercise good politics. As in the previous convention, there was no available man whom they could elect as president. Shea, who had not yet shown his true colors, they felt sure they could elect. And, while he had, as chief executive, done practically no good, he had, so far as they knew, done no appreciable harm, save to encumber the presidential chair. Moreover, they had shortly before exacted from him a very explicit agreement that he would not seek to reinaugurate the meddlesome strike policy of the past.