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the people. Modern physical sciences are writing many changes in the long established maxims of political economy. Capital no longer patronizingly employs labor, but enlightened labor takes capital by the hands and directs it where and when and how it should be invested. Industry—educated industry—has taken possession of the inexhaustible stores of nature, and of nature's forces, is daily lifting up her hands, full of all new inventions; is filling the earth with her instruments of elevation and improvement; is grasping continents and binding the nations in a bundle, and with right royal confidence, is bidding kings and rulers, empire, and republics obey. I affirm to-day that the wealth and the power and the security and success of existing nations are exactly measured by the standards and extent of their educational systems, and that those nations possess the highest standards, and the most efficient and widely diffused systems of education, which have devoted the largest means and taken the greatest pride in endowing and enlarging their universities. What-is, and long has been, the secret of the power of England? You will say her well balanced government, her almost perfect administration of law, her navy, her material improvements, her vast industries, her educated people, and her experts in every known science. Rut whence come those who maintain that well-balanced government; who administer her laws; who build and command her navy; who multiply her industries; who develop her resources, and who gather tribute for old England from everything and everywhere? There stands the grand answer—Cambridge and Oxford. And is England wasteful, or unwise, or oppressive upon her people because upon each one of these she annually bestows two millions of dollars? Prussia annually appropriates to nine of her universities more than one million thalers. Need I tell you now that the victories of Sadowa and of Sedan were won in the school-rooms and the workshops? It was educated artillery to which Austria so readily curtsied, and before the approach of which France, haughty France, lifted her crown, yielded her capital, and bowed in humility. What would become of the statesmanship of Gladstone and Bismarck if they moved to discontinue these universities on the ground that they were costly 2 Let us look nearer home ! Massachusetts has one university with an endowment of over two millions of dollars. Connecticut possesses one with an endowment of over one million. New York contains two universities with an aggregate endowment of over six millions of dollars. The universities of the North, and chiefly of New England, have lately received appropriations amounting to nine millions. The University of Georgia has received not one dollar. Even the small pittance she receives annually from the State is only the interest on funds she turned over to the State for a safe investment! Of twentytwo observatories in the United States, only two are south of the Potomac. Both of these were erected by Northern gentlemen, and neither is now in use. Even some of the new States, more than a century our juniors in age, have given a hundredfold more than Georgia to establish and endow their universities and industrial schools. But these Northern States are all rich and we are poorl They are strong and we are weak! Yes, and therefore is it so. And if the same process shall continue, they will grow richer and we poorer, they stronger and we weaker! We have theorized about rights, and have degraded labor with ignorance to preserve rights. They have worked for power, and have educated labor to secure power. The result is, we have scarcely any right or power, while they have population, wealth, rights, and powers, and every means of maintaining and increasing them. And were we ready for independence? Were we not deceived as to the real source of our weakness, and also as to the extent of that weakness? With every natural resource, but with no art or skilled labor to render them available, is it wonderful that we failed? Rather is it not the world's marvel, that individual skill, social pride, and almost unarmed courage were able to sustain the unequal struggle so long? If we had won the acknowledgment of our political independence, would we not have been compelled to send among our late enemies for an architect to plan and build a capitol for the new nation; and even for men of science to lead us into our own hills and mountains, to show us the power sleeping there, and how that


power could be aroused and made valuable in peace and mighty in war? The people of Georgia annually send to other States and countries for very many articles which they possess in greater abundance at home. Educated industries at the North take our raw materials, apply to them their skill and art, and resell them to our people increased in value— some thirty, some sixty, and some five hundredfold ! If one-fourth the sum expended in any one year by the people of this State for either one of several of these imported articles, were set apart as an endowment fund for this University, every school of science taught at the North or in England or in Prussia could be at once established here; tuition could be made free; a system of education covering the State could be inaugurated and carried into effect, and the result would be that the next generation of our own educated sons would find those same articles here, would supply our own people with tenfold the quantity they are now able to import and at less cost, and would have a large surplus remaining for export, as articles of commercial value to the North and to England and to Prussia. No period in the history and the fortunes of our State was ever half so critical as the present. And in this anxious hour—this crisis of her fate—to whom shall the State look with hope if not to her own educated sons? On whom shall this loved University now lean with faith, if not on her own alumni? Gentlemen, we cannot escape the responsibility pressing upon us. If we prove unequal to our duties now, then a State, with every natural gift but worthy sons, appropriated by others, and a University fallen in the midst of her own listless, unheeding children, must be the measure of our shame in the future. But if we prove equal to these duties now, then a State surpassed by none in wealth, worth, and power, with the University made immortal for her crown, will be the glory that is waiting to reward our ambition. And we shall escape this shame and win this glory if we now fully comprehend and manfully act upon three propositions:— 1. That the civilization peculiar to the Southern States hitherto has passed away, and forever. 2. That no new civilization can be equal to the demands of the age which does not lay its foundations in the intelligence of the people, and in the multiplication and social elevation of educated industries.

3. That no system of education for the people, and for the multiplication and elevation of the industries, can be complete, or efficient, or available, which does not begin with an ample, well-endowed, and independent university.

These three postulates embody the trinity of all our hope as a people. Here the work of recovery must begin, and in this way alone, and by you alone, can it be begun.

The educated men of the South, of this generation, must be responsible for the future of the South. The educated men of Georgia now before me must be responsible for the future of Georgia. That future will be anything you now command. From every portion of this dear old commonwealth there comes this day an earnest, anxious voice to you, saying, shall we command or shall we serve? Shall we rise, or shall we fall yet lower? Shall we live, or shall we die? Gathering in my own the voices of you all, and with hearts resolved and purposes fixed, I send back the gladdening response: We shall live! We shall rise! We shall command



[Oration by Dr. Newell Dwight Hillis, preacher and author, minister of Plymouth Church, Brooklyn, N. Y., from 1899 (born in Magmolia, Iowa, September 2, 1858; ), delivered before the University

of Chicago, January 4, 1899.]

Having lingered long in foreign climes and countries, Plutarch returned home to affirm that he had found cities without walls, without literature, without coin or kings; peoples who knew not the forum, the theater, or gymnasium; “but,” added the traveler, “there never was, nor shall there ever be, a city without temple, church, or chapel.” Since Plutarch's time many centuries have come and gone, yet for thoughtful men the passing years have only strengthened the conviction that not until cities are hung in the air, instead of founded upon rock, can the ideal commonwealth be established or maintained without foundations of morals and religion. Were it possible for the ancient traveler to come forth from his tomb, and, moving slowly down the aisles of time, to step foot into the scene and eity midst which we now do dwell, he would find that, in the influence of religious teachers upon liberty, literature, art, and industry, that would fully justify the reassertion of the conviction expressed so many centuries ago. Indeed, many students of the rise and reign of the common people make the history of social progress to be very largely the history of those teachers who have listed up before men Christian ideals and principles, as beacon lights for the human race.

Standing before the Cathedral of Wittenberg, Jean Paul uncovered his head and said, “The story of the German

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