should influence unfavorably the spirits and courage of those about him, and go out through them in widening ripples of despondency, he more frequently than ever now assumed an outward air of cheerful jocularity. It served both for a convenient and useful mask and for a genuine relief. Behind it he studied the chaotic Unionism slowly forming and moving into activity at the North, and the much more rapidly developing Rebellion at the South. No other fact of necessary statesmanship was plainer than this: for the creation of a strong, steady, and permanently trustworthy public opinion at the North, the South must be permitted to put itself openly, manifestly, outrageously in the wrong with reference to the central government. There was no doubt that it would shortly do so under the fostering care of Mr. Buchanan and his Cabinet. A strong-minded man in the executive chair would surely have given the plotters of secession some ghostly shadow of an excuse for violent As it was and as it continued to be, the savage brutality of their successive acts remains to be recorded as without any other palliation than the presumption of their fellowcitizens in electing a President openly hostile to the purchase and sale of human beings.

measures.

CHAPTER XXVI.

CASUS BELLI.

Secession Activities-Lincoln's Policy-In a Trying Position-South Carolina Takes the Lead-The Confederate States of America-Traitors in Congress-Capture of United States Forts and Forces-A Campaign of Statesmanship-Vain Premonitions-A Last Meeting.

THAT the more advanced and determined secessionists were prepared to regard the triumph of the Republican party and the election of Abraham Lincoln as an ample justification of anything they might choose to do, had already been openly declared in numberless unofficial utterances.

The extreme view held by so many found a more effective if not a more definite expression in a circular letter sent by Governor Gist of South Carolina to the governors of the other "cotton States" on the 5th of October, 1860. The governors of the slave States subsequently known as "border States" were not supposed to be yet prepared to return a favorable response, and were therefore not appealed to. The letter was an invitation to concerted and allied action in case the November election should result as was expected, and its language requires no explanation:

"If a single State secedes, we will follow her. If no other State takes the lead, South Carolina will secede (in my opinion) alone, if she has any assurance that she will soon be followed by another or other States; otherwise it is doubtful."

The answers, of different dates, varied in character and not all favorable, were probably all in Governor Gist's hands on or before election-day. That of the Governor of Georgia contained a very significant and important declaration. He said that, in his opinion, the people of Georgia would "wait for

some overt act" from the Lincoln government. It was not at all necessary to inform the secession conspirators that an "overt act" of their own would answer their purposes equally as well. If they had awaited a sufficient provocation from the wise, watchful, patriotic statesman who was then studying their course so carefully at Springfield, their conspiracy would have died of old age upon their hands. Mr. Lincoln had made up his mind and determined his policy as to that point, and he afterwards took every opportunity of publicly so saying.

The circular letter was "secret," but the "message" of Governor Gist to the Legislature of South Carolina, November 5, 1860 (published on the day preceding the general electionday), was an all-sufficient public warning. He advised the assembling of a State Convention and the purchase of arms and other war-material. From this date, if not from an earlier day, Mr. Lincoln was entitled to consider a war as actually begun, and to guide himself accordingly. Upon what he might say or do, or leave unsaid and undone, would manifestly depend, in great measure, the character and results of the now inevitable hostilities. He was already burdened with the delicate task of so directing the moral forces he represented, and over which he exercised an increasing control, that they should not too soon assume an aggressive attitude at any point. It is hardly possible to overestimate the tact and patience with which he successfully accomplished this first duty and victory of his administration.

The war-spirit of the South was most intense in South Carolina, but was there focalized rather than localized. The daily energy displayed by the people of that State in their open preparations for bloodshed presented an "object-lesson" which Mr. Lincoln and a few other men comprehended perfectly. At the same time, the conservative element at the South very sincerely underestimated the determination of their neighbors, and the great mass of the Northern people refused to regard the matter as anything more serious than an uncom

monly absurd outburst of bluster and parade. The election took place, and resulted as has been stated, in the election of Mr. Lincoln.

The State Convention of South Carolina, summoned by the Act of the Legislature called for in the message of Governor Gist, was chosen on the 6th of December. It met at Columbia, the capital of the State, adjourned to Charleston, and almost immediately, December 20, adopted an "Ordinance of Secession," whereby it pretended to sever the bond between South Carolina and the Union, and to terminate all right, power, and authority of the general government within the limits of the State.

With sundry variations in the manner, form, and declared causes and purposes of their alleged going out, the other "cotton States" followed. Mississippi "seceded" January 9, 1861; Florida, January 10; Alabama, January 11; Georgia, January 19; Louisiana, January 26; and Texas on the 1st of Feb

ruary.

It was sure to follow that these States would league themselves together in a bond of some kind, as suggested in the secret circular letter of Governor Gist.

Their representatives at Washington, in House and Senate, in a paper signed by about half their number, advised that such action should be taken promptly. These and other gentlemen afterwards held seats and exercised Federal legislative functions, to hold and exercise which was ludicrously as well as criminally illegal if the several secession ordinances were of any binding or effective power. The document itself was actually made public, as a preparatory step, some days prior to the secession of South Carolina. It did but embody, for specific uses, the matter and manner of a vast correspondence both public and private.

Pursuing the plan laid down for them, the several seceded States appointed delegates to a species of inter-State convention, to be held at Montgomery, Alabama. These delegates

met in that city on the 4th of February. So well were they drilled beforehand in the task allotted them, that on the 8th of that month they announced to the world a provisional government, under the name of "The Confederate States of America."

Before that joint and formal action could be taken, much and very important separate and local rebellion had been vigorously transacted. Even before adopting her own Ordinance of Secession, the disunionists who acted as the State of South Carolina had determined upon the early capture of the forts in Charleston harbor, which were the specific property of the United States Government. These were Castle Pinckney, a small affair near the city and of no importance; Fort Moultrie, a larger structure, on Sullivan's Island, occupied by about one company of United States regular troops; and, the most important of all, as commanding the approaches from the sea, Fort Sumter, a well-built and, if properly manned and provisioned, all but impregnable fortress on a natural shoal raised to an artificial island, near the harbor-mouth.

So rapid and so public were the preparations for the seizure of these forts that Major Anderson, the officer in command of Fort Moultrie, found himself compelled to transfer his small force, with such stores as he could easily move, to Fort Sumter, this being his sole tenable defense. He did so secretly, on the night of December 26, only six days after the formal act of secession of the State. From that day forward Fort Sumter was as regularly and actively besieged as was ever any other fortification in any other war.

On the morning of January 9, the steamer "Star of the West," carrying the national flag and bearing needed supplies to Fort Sumter, was fired upon and driven back to sea by the rebel batteries besieging Major Anderson and his forlorn squad. Nearly similar was the subsequent course of events at Pensacola, Florida. Armed forces of the incipient rebellion compelled the surrender of the Pensacola Navy Yard. Lieutenant