country, and I believe that no one can be a good union man who is not a patriotic citizen of the greatest of all unions-the union of these United States. And I believe that there is no power that has done so much to strengthen the union of the states as the union of labor. One has done a mighty work in guaranteeing to man political, religious and civil liberty, the other has done equally as great a service to humanity in defending our industrial liberties. But great as have been the achievements of the American political union in the past, its continued existence actually depends upon the evolving of economic conditions that shall give to the toiler more of the product of his own industry; far more than has yet been accorded him. We want the wealth of this nation divided into millions of independent American homes instead of being congested in the palaces of Newport, we want the arable lands of the nation cultivated by millions of independent owners and not set aside for the mere pleasure of the few; we want equal opportunity, not charity.

"Fair hours of labor and a high wage scale have done as much to elevate the standard of American citizenship and strengthen the ties that bind us to home and to state as have all the libraries and universities in the land. And I say this without disparagement to these magnificent institutions of learning, for they are jewels in the crown of our national glory that we, as union men, take pride in placing upon the brow of American intellect. Union men are not opposed to learning-they want more of it; and they want the time and the means to acquire it. Unionism, by contending for reasonable hours of labor and a just rate of compensation, contributes in no small degree to the cause of education, for libraries can only be used by those that have reasonable hours for recreation and study, and colleges are closed doors to the sons of workers who do not get something more than living wages.

"Unionism may not bring the college to the home of the workingman, but it does bring the sons and the daughters of many workingmen to the doors of the university; and, what is best of all, it brings them there well clad, well nourished in body, and with the preliminary fitness of mind that enables them to claim the greatest heritage of American citizenship-equal opportunities of education for every ambitious and aspiring soul. This is important, for the welfare of our country depends, not on the great wealth and the high cultivation of the few, but rather upon the high average prosperity and intelligence of those that do the nation's work, whether they labor with brain or with brawn. And we want brawn developed by working hours that shall not deplete the vital powers and warp and distort the image of God, and we want a cultivation that shall give to American workmen scientific and technical training equal to the best that there is in the world, and every union should be a technical school in which the science of the trade should be taught. In other words, unionism should aim to produce in the American workman a perfect manstrong in body, skilled of hand, and cultivated in

intellect. Who could compare with him, for he now stands unrivaled? It is he that has enabled this nation to mobilize the greatest fleet ever brought under the direction of a single commander and to send it westward to encircle the globe; and as that great fighting machine pursues its way of peace, its ensign is greeted by the rising orb of every morn, saluted by the majestic setting of every western sun; aye, let those of us who love it believe that it is wooed by every twinkling star of night, and that today it floats the wide world round, the beautiful emblem of power and of peace. It is the American producer-artizan and farmer-that has conquered the markets of the world; it is he that has caused this nation to take the most commanding place among the great nations of the earth, and by devotion to education and union principles he will, in the years to come, divert more and more of the great profit of American skilled labor into saving banks, into wellfurnished homes, into the bright eyes and rosy cheeks of wives and children. Unionism always has defended the weak. It says: Suffer little children to come unto the school house and the church and not into the factory and the mine; it says that the laborer is worthy of his hire even though the laborer be a woman. Could anything be nobler or more closely conform to the beautiful teachings of the meek and lowly Nazarene? Unionism has done much, but it has yet a mighty work to perform, and to do a great work a man or an institution needs courage, faith, hope, optimism, with the face turned toward the rising sun, and a confidence so sublime that no obstacle seems unsurmountable. It matters not how brilliant one may be, or how many years he has spent in acquiring knowledge, if he has not the courage to do and to dare success in the prosecution of a great undertaking is never realized. The trade union movement has had courage to survive many defeats, and it matters not what its mistakes in the past may have been, or what are its weaknesses at present, there is an abiding confidence in the hearts of those who are struggling to uplift themselves, and to carry upward even non-union toilers that will carry unionism onward and upward, forever building for better things, and ever strengthening the foundations of the state. Such things can only be accomplished by a man or an institution that has lofty ideals backed by courage, and as certainly as we have gathered in this hall on this hallowed day, unionism will rise superior to all difficulties and it will discharge its duty, both to God and to man. Its achievements have never been emblazoned in stone, nor have they been portrayed by the artist in delicate shade and color, but it has engrafted into the hearts of those who strive to ameliorate the condition of the toiling millions a monument whose base extends from sea to sea and whose pinnacle pierces the azure blue of the celestial vault. It is a monument not made by hands, and still the beauty of its form and the symmetry of its proportions are a lasting credit to American civilization."

BE WISE today; 'tis madness to defer.-Young.

CHICAGO, ILL.

Since the reorganization of the International Typographical Union at the Kansas City convention the organization has become a progressive body. It became progressive because the execu tive council was delegated authority through the initiative power of conventions, subscribed to and endorsed by the referendum, to do certain things. A division of authority among seven men instead of three often means disagreement in the interpre tation of a law, and the disagreement as frequently results in nullification. The machinery is slow moving. The larger the executive council the more likelihood of differences. Experience of other organizations has taught the inevitable lesson and the average printer is no exception to the rule.

While it is true the collapse of the recent strike of the telegraphers was due to a lack of funds, principally, the fact that the members of the executive board disagreed and quarreled among themselves, taking revenge on the international president-who, by the way, took the only common sense view of the difficulty that could be takenwas an example of many men with many minds in a critical time. The example set by the members of the executive board of the American Federation of Labor, when considered as a unit, in the late election, was not such as to inspire confidence. With some pulling one way and some another, the labor vote became a byword and a joke. These are recent cases, fresh in the mind. One with an international acquaintance can easily imagine an executive council composed of timber that would in its deliberations result in a deadlock, and while the combatants were striving for advantage the prey would run to cover. Examples could be cited innumerable.

The conventions are flooded with propositions that may mean much to the locality from which they come, but may mean little to the general membership, or possibly a detriment to the greater portion. A minority section, with a representative in the executive council of a stubborn or ill-advised inclination, would make the cake all dough, if he were so disposed. He might plead he was truthfully representing his section and still he would be a dangerous disrupter of plans in an international sense. A union that took a notion to disobey the command of the International Typographical Union, with a representative in the council as a champion of its cause, would be in a powerful position to create havoc and dismay to the general membership who have decreed certain action on a given date. As a minority member or dissenter from a proposed line of action, he would be in a position to obstruct, and, perhaps defeat the intent of the International Typographical Union as a body. Such a condition could have brought disaster during the past four years. The executive council of three has less chance of disa

greement. Constant association in an official capacity tends to soften antagonism. There is less chance of conflict of opinion in important matters. That is democracy in its highest sense-the expressed will of the majority and a responsible executive council to see that the mandate is enforced.

The declaration of principles favoring an enlarged executive council is comprised in the favorite term "broader democracy." While the argument of the plan has some forced logic, yet "broader democracy" also means broader and enlarged machinery for the control of International affairs. And by machinery is meant that objectionable control of voters and legislation by dictum of a minority-the alleged custom and condition it is sought to avoid. It may be some of the advo cates of an enlarged executive council have an ambition or indistinct hunch that in the event of the success of the proposition they will, by the grace of imaginary constituency, become one of the chosen executive council, in which event the opposition to the present system of government will become an active force and eradicate the present (as is charged) monarchial tendencies. But there is also present the danger of the newly elected and well-intentioned member being swallowed body and soul by the ruling majority. An interworking executive council of five, seven or nine members, banded together in the common desire to continue in office, would be far more impregnable in resisting an attack to oust from office than the present number of three. The position is stronger. The assaults of the opposition weaker and more scattered.

Much of the opposition to the present number in the executive council is purely local in its character. The hand of the executive council, in obedience to command of the membership represented in conventions, or by laws already in existence, has sometimes rested heavily on some particular locality, with consequent resentment and the claim -purely local- that the executive council is monarchial, czar-like, and undemocratic in its powers. Democracy, according to the interpretation of the aggrieved locality, is the administration and interpretation of the law to suit that particular section, regardless of its effect on other sections of the International Typographical Union. Following that dangerous idea to a logical conclusion, it means the mutation or fickleness in construction of law that, beginning with a decision on a certain point of the law in Boston, may mean a slight variation in New York, a little loosening up in Pittsburg, another variation in Chicago, a still more liberal construction in Denver, and by the time the point in controversy reaches San Francisco it has become of such a metamorphose character as to be unrecognizable in conjunction with its original interpretation.

That appears to be the sum and substance for this sudden and clamorous demand for "democracy." "Democracy," as urged in this sense, is

merely a cloak under which "local autonomy in its broadest sense" seeks to inaugurate a system that will-inadvertently, of course-undo the efficient work of past administrations and bring about a state of sovereignty of local unions-the right of secession to obedience to the law. Just chaosnothing more, nothing less.

Democracy is the privilege of expression by will of the majority. The convention is the place for lawmaking, and, judging from the myriads of propositions annually submitted, there is no lack of material from which to frame laws. When the convention makes a law, and the executive council enforces it, that is democracy pure and simple. The delegates are the representatives of the several unions, chosen by pluralities or majorities, and that is democracy. The executive council holds its position through the expressed will of the majority, and that is democracy. Prohibiting an official from holding more than two terms, thereby curtailing his privilege to democratic suffrage and possibly defeating the future sentiment of the organization, is not democracy. That is conscription. The member who belongs to a minority and who advocates thwarting the future sentiment of the majority by a drastic and undemocratic law is a pure, unadulterated representative of democracy. He has the privilege of advocating his undemocratic tendencies, and democracy concedes his right to exercise them in advocating his "ag'in the government" policies. No greater illustration of simon-pure democracy can be exhibited than his open, privileged action in having ideas of his own-sound or unsound-and expressing them. The International Typographical Union enjoys the "blown-in-the-glass" guaranteed democracy. It has the power of the initiative and referendum in the simplest form. By an infinitesimal small endorsement any member may aspire to the highest or lowest office. Saints and scalawags have equal opportunity to aspire and be elevated into office, through either democratic boosting or democratic backcapping. White rats and black rats are admitted into the organization-sometimes-and that is democracy. They sometimes hold elective and appointive positions, and that is democracy. It is hard to conceive a simpler form of democracy unless we enter into a policy of every one for himself and the devil take the hindermost.

Nearly every one who favors the enlarged executive council admits the International Typographical Union has grown to be a "strong, militant organization," and yet the claim is made that it is necessary to make a change that it may be made stronger. By what process of reasoning one can maintain that a flourishing tree that has been nurtured and made fruitful must be transplanted to unknown and experimental soil that it may become stronger and more prolific is hard to understand. Changes in methods are usually made when the method in vogue is a failure-not a success.

Much of the argument favoring enlargement is based upon presumptive conditions, which, while few have the hardihood to claim do or have existed, are held up as scarecrows to arouse suspicion that everything is not as it should be. Why,

if there is any cause for a change, is not the real reason for the agitation exposed to the light? Why declare the present system of government is inadequate when experience has taught that, in a critical period, it is not only adequate but of the highest efficiency? When the executive council errs it should be corrected at the convention, and if the convention is not representative of the ideas and wishes of the membership who elect the dele gates, by what token can the injection of more members in the executive council make it more effective when the additional members are but the elect of the referendum, just the same as delegates?

Recently a strong wave of protest was spread over the International jurisdiction, criticising the system of organizers because of its expense. And yet a large part of the advocacy for an enlarged council comes from the same source as the protest. Actuated by as stringent an economical policy as you please, the enlarged council will be an additional expense that can not be avoided, and the frequent meetings necessary intelligently to transact business will be burdensome. Human nature is the same the world over. The more holes you bore into the craft, the greater the leakage.

Attempting to form opinions and frame conclusions on important matters through the medium of slowly-moving and fragmentary correspondence can not but be unsatisfactory. It would be complicated and inefficient in its application. If there is to be an enlarged council let it be effective, and the only way to make it effective is to provide for frequent and long distance transportation, with its attending incidentals. This whole agitation partakes strongly of politics rather than corrective policy. It is most strongly supported by a desire to "grind an ax" or minimize the effect of having one's toes gently but nevertheless firmly pinched. The possible effect of changing the scheme of gov ernment that has made "progress" an International matter, in order to minimize the discomfort of wearing tight shoes, is a doubtful procedure and one uncertain of satisfactory results. Sometimes the cure is worse than the disease. Patent nostrums, guaranteed to cure innumerable ills, find ready sale by constant and expensive advertising. Their virtue as a curative property is open to question. Otherwise none would ever die and doctors and undertakers would starve to death. "Danderine grew this hair," but I have yet to see the baldheaded man who succeeded in raising a new crop of hair through its application.

Why all this agitation over the executive council? Wherein is it weak? It has met all requirements placed upon it, except, possibly, some increases in scales, when acting in its capacity as the International Typographical Union representative on the National Board of Arbitration; and, so far as the Chicago scale is concerned, if it was unable to extract the burned chestnuts from the fire it is because Chicago burned them to a crisp before it acknowledged its impotency after years of successful scalemaking, and threw the burden of weight on the executive council.

One often hears the assertion that an enlarged executive council might be necessary and advan

tageous in the event of the election of a weak or spineless president. That such a contingency arising, a large council to encourage a purposeless executive would be imperative. But why elect such men to important executive positions? The International Typographical Union is large enough, brainy enough and contains shining lights enough to avoid a mistake of that character. Why bring out candidates for office who have been seldom, if ever, heard of outside their own cities? The International Typographical Union contains men well known throughout the jurisdiction. They have policies; their characters are as an open book; activity in the labor movement has strengthened, developed and broadened the natural qualifications for leadership. They are not "trimmers." may not always agree with a man with opinions, but it is a narrow mind that will turn down a candidate of recognized ability that some spite may be gratified or to avenge a minor difference.

One

The greatest danger menacing the International Typographical Union is the lack of knowledge in the average member of the man, his methods and his motives when a candidate for office. Readiness to absorb scandal on slight evidence, with no disposition to listen to the other side until too late, is a tendency too evident, it can be regretfully said, among printers. If any change is desirable, let it be a curtailment of powers and not the introduction of new elements, which, if the experience of other organizations indicate anything, mean either a disastrous dissension, or the introduction of a powerful octopus-a system of government with tentacles reaching to the furthermost corners of the International Typographical Union, and which will be much more difficult to control or finally shake off.

The new paper: That the Evening Journal is to issue a morning edition. That the American set out to verify the story, but was sidetracked with the statement "nothin' doin'." That the promoters are waiting till the stock is all subscribed for before giving out any definite plans. That the new paper will occupy the old Chronicle building, which is still empty. That H. W. Seymour was in town recently and held a conference with all the old heads of departments of the defunct paper. That $2,000,000 is the sum total of dough that will be back of the enterprise. That the Chronicle is still being published in abbreviated form in order to hold the franchise. That contracts for advertising are being secured from State street department

organization in recent years many of the original policies were cut in two and still others taken out for less amounts.

Samuel S. Rogers, of the Daily News, died November 28 from a stroke of paralysis. Mr. Rogers became connected with the News advertising department in 1881, was successively manager of the department, and, later, assistant to the publisher. In 1905 he was president of the American Newspaper Publishers' Association.

It is often asserted that women, as a class, do not make good trade unionists. It has been often said that if the women would demand the label on merchandise they buy the label would soon be more popular than now. That is the way the men talk. Why the blame should be placed entirely on "the woman which thou gavest me," while the men continue to buy scab cigars and other things, is never explained. Once in a while the expression is heard that "his wife is a better union man than he is." A case recently came before the executive committee where "his mother was a better union man than he." She sent an emissary to plead the case of an erring son, formerly a member of No. 16, whom she wanted reinstated.

The seventh annual ball of No. 16 occurred at Princess rink December 8. About 100 couples participated in the grand march, and while the attendance was comparatively small, an enjoyable time is reported by those who attended.

The Union Printers' club of Chicago is an assured fact. A number of the best known representative printers of the city have been holding organization meetings, have adopted a constitution and by-laws, will apply for a charter, have elected temporary officers, have at this writing sold about $1,500 worth of stock. leased a commodious room on the third floor of the southwest corner of Dearborn and Monroe streets, with an option on two other smaller rooms in connection therewith, and will spend about $2,000 in fitting up and furnishing what promises to be the cosiest, neatest and best-conducted clubrooms anywhere in the States. That is going some for the short time the project has been in hand. William A. Klinger is the president of the temporary organization; William H. Bowne, vice-president; Joseph C. Larson, secretary, and James D. Coughlin, treasurer. A board of directors, consisting of W. B. Prescott, Jerry Cox, John Canty, Gus Bilger, John C. Harding, R. L. C. Brown and George J. Knott, with the four officers of the club, will have the affairs of the organization in charge during the preliminary arrangements and furnishing of the clubrooms. It is the aim of the promoters of the club to make it a high-class social organization, that will redound to the credit of the fraternity and a membership in which one may well be proud. The capital stock of the club is $5,000; the shares $25 each, and no member can hold more than one share. It is confidently predicted, at the rate the shares are going off the block, that the charter membership will be large and applications for membership at a premium by the time the club is settled in its quarters. A club of this character, outlined in these letters some time ago, has long

been the dream of Chicago printerdom, and now that the affair is well under way, with the betting in favor of unprecedented success, the craft is to be congratulated on the realization of its dream.

The Chicago newspaper scale was finally resurrected from the bottomless pit at the recent meeting of the arbitration board in Indianapolis, and while we did not get the $33 per week, the sevenand-a-half-hour day with thirty minutes for lunch, and a few more things the scale committee origi nally framed up for us, we got away with most of our hair and saved our dignity (that priceless possession we prate about) from being trampled in the dust by the publishers' association. Seriously speaking, we abstracted a few concessions from the original award by the local arbitrator, whose report at this time, after the lapse of nearly a year, reads like a prologue to an amateur minstrel performance. The national board cut a half hour off the ten-and-a-half hour Saturday and the cumulative time applies only to regulars. Where night work is done on either morning or afternoon papers as part of the day's work, the night scale will prevail. Raising the bonus line from 4,500 to 5,000 still sticks, but the operators will receive an increase of 1-20 of a cent per 100 ems for day work and 1-10 of a cent per 100 ems for night work for all type set in excess of 5,000 per hour. Extras who work three days or less in any one week in any one office will receive the 50 cents per day extra, and partly night work and day work will be at the night scale. Boys will not be allowed in the composing rooms in any capacity except as apprentices, and the old rule applying to apprentices will prevail. The question of pi lines, which has agitated the air so often, is settled by a rule that the operator is not responsible for them in railroaded matter. The national board further recommended that the local contract be changed to conform to the provisions of the arbitration agreement now effective internationally. These items are all concessions from the original award of the local arbitrator, and take effect January 4 for one year. And while on the subject, I recently heard an argument that the operator should be compelled to put on a sub when his earnings reach a certain amount. The contention was made that he should be limited in his earnings in the same ratio as the time man is limited by his forty-eight hours. This is a new one on the operator, and it will no doubt be a live question for future consideration. GEORGE J. KNOTT.

CLEVELAND, OHIO.

The Cleveland Citizen, the weekly official paper of the United Trades and Labor Council, in its issue of December 12, the Christmas shopping number, contained eight pages, half of which were ads -about 600 inches. Patronize the advertisers who use your paper.

The printers' club held its regular meeting December 20. The auditors reported the finances in excellent condition, and it was decided to add a baseball team and other athletic features to the club early in the coming year. The meeting was

adjourned to December 27 for election of officers for the year and other business which could not be taken up for lack of time.

The label committee is getting after the traveling theatrical managers, and reports some success in inducing them to use the label. The work of the committee can be greatly assisted by turning in all the non-label printed matter you can find.

J. W. Sprague would like to hear from Charles W. ("Ike") Dowler, formerly of Cleveland, last heard from in Orange, N. J. Address the Printers' club, 829 Superior avenue, N. E., Cleveland, Ohio. Business in the job line is picking up somewhat. W. J. EVANS.

BOISE, IDAHO.

The principal business that came up before the December meeting was that of raising the scale, both job and newspaper. A scale committee was appointed, and at a special session December 13 its report was ratified. By the time THE JOURNAL is out we hope to have all the shops here signed up on the new scale. It is as follows: Book and job printers, $24, an advance from $21; printers on the morning side, $5, an advance from $4.50; printers on evening sheets, $4.50, an advance from $4. The raise will not affect any newspaper office, as the printers have been getting the raise for some time; it will benefit mostly the book and job side, although in their case it will affect but two shops, and they will come through without a strug gle. This will put Boise up with the best of them, and every raise has been put through without one bit of remonstrance or bad feeling on the part of either side. I think that a good many sister unions can take their lids off to Boise.

At the last meeting word was sent our local that our neighboring sister on the north was in the midst of a genuine lockout, and a levy of 25 cents a week was immediately put in force to help it in its struggle. It is Coeur d'Alene, a newly organized local, which is starting early to have its troubles; but the matter looks as though an early settlement will be made, and in our favor, of

course.

Business has been very good for the past two months; in fact, it is never dull here, and the boys have all the work they can handle, especially on the machine side.

Syms-York has enlarged its model printery by installing another Miehle No. 3, which makes this shop one of the largest in this part of the country. The following cards have been deposited: J. W. Lamar, C. F. Parker, Charles E. Warren. Withdrawn: C. F. Parker.

We have a delegate fund here that is swelling up every week, and will soon be more than enough to insure representation at St. Joe. An assessment of 10 cents a week is levied on every man, and the fund grows quickly and no one misses the

money.

Frank McKenna, machinist on the Statesman, is putting a substantial addition to his home, where he will put in a complete machine shop and do work for the trade.

While there is very little use for a label com