Page images
PDF
EPUB

VI.

glish, by whom an invasion was threatened; or, at least, CHAPTER of rendering it a worthless conquest. Soon after this proclamation all the remaining French troops were with- 1794. drawn. The white inhabitants continued to emigrate in large numbers, and many had lately arrived at Baltimore in a state of complete destitution. An application to Congress on the part of a committee, formed at Baltimore for the relief of these unfortunate refugees, for aid toward that object, raised a nice constitutional question. Madison opposed entering on the subject, on the ground Jan. 10. that the authority of the government of the United States was limited to specific objects, of which charity was not one. Nicholas and Giles took the same view, and Dexter admitted that there was weight in it. But Murray argued that, as the states individually had surrendered to the general government the regulation of intercourse with foreign nations, it came fully within the scope of the authority of Congress to provide relief in cases like the present. The same view was maintained by Boudinot; and an act was finally passed, in spite of the opposition of the strict constructionists, granting fifteen thousand dollars for the relief of the refugees. Nicholas was very urgent to insert a clause that Congress granted the money, knowing they had no authority to do so, but trusting to the humanity of their constituents to excuse them. In this, however, he did not prevail. On this question the Virginia leaders experienced a signal defeat, the very sympathy for France, on which they so much relied, operating against them.

A like defeat was experienced on the question of providing a naval force, the committee on that subject having reported in favor of building four frigates. After Madison's resolutions had been laid aside, this report was taken Feb. 5. up, and debated with much earnestness. The greater

CHAPTER part of those members who had evinced in the preceding VI. debate so much anxiety for the growth and protection of 1794. American commerce and navigation, took strong ground against the report. In vain was the necessity urged of a permanent naval establishment, not only as a protection to our shipping against the piratical Barbary states, but to inspire the belligerent nations with respect for our rights as neutrals, and to protect us from insult in our own ports and harbors. It was answered that these few ships would only serve to expose our weakness, and as a mere temptation to the belligerents, one or other of whom would be ready to seize them on the first convenient pretext. Even as against the Barbary pirates, if foree were relied upon, a much stronger force would be necessary, and the policy of buying a peace was very strongly urged. But though zealously pressed by Madison, Clark, Nicholas, Giles, Smilie, and Findley, these arguments did not prevail. The opposition were deserted by several members from the maritime parts of the country, who on former occasions had voted with them. Yet their arguments and opposition were not altogether withMar. 11. out effect. The bill, as passed, provided for building six frigates, four of forty-four guns and two of thirty-six guns, for which purpose $688,888 were appropriated by a subsequent act-the first step toward the creation of the existing American navy. But a clause was added for suspending proceedings in case of a peace with Algiers, to purchase which a million of dollars was appropriated, which sum, by another act, the president was au, thorized to borrow.

Before this matter of the frigates had been finally disposed of, the same committee, enlarged, however, for that purpose into a committee of one from each state, Mar. 4. reported a bill for the fortification of harbors. The aot,

VI.

as finally passed, authorized the president to commence CHAPTER fortifications at Portland, Portsmouth, Gloucester, Salem, Boston, Newport, New London, New York, Philadelphia, 1794. Wilmington, Baltimore, Alexandria, Norfolk, Ocracock Inlet, Cape Fear River, Georgetown, Charleston, Savannah, and St. Mary's. Annapolis was added by a subsequent act. But the whole amount appropriated for this purpose was only $136,000. By the same act the president was authorized to purchase two hundred cannon for the armament of the new fortifications, and to provide a hundred and fifty extra gun-carriages, with two hundred and fifty tons of cannon balls, for which purpose $96,000 were appropriated. Another act appropriated $81,000 for establishing arsenals and armories, in addition to those at Springfield and Carlisle, besides $340,000 for the purchase of arms and stores. The exportation of arms was prohibited for a year, and all arms imported during the next two years were to be free of duty.

While these measures were under consideration, the excitement against Great Britain received a new impulse. A British order in council, dated Nov. 6th, but not made public till the close of the year, had directed the British cruisers to stop, detain, and to bring in for legal adjudication all ships laden with goods the produce of any French colony, or carrying provisions or other supplies for the use of such colony. This order, the literal purport of which went to destroy all neutral trade with the French colonies, even that which had been allowed in time of peace, was issued simultaneously with the dispatch of a great expedition for the conquest of the French West Indies, to which the English had been stimulated by the appeals of the French planters, indignant at the emancipation of their slaves-a policy exIV.-H H

CHAPTER tended to the other French colonies, as well as to that VI. of St. Domingo. Martinique, St. Lucie, and Guadaloupe 1794. all fell into the hands of the English; though, later in

the season, Guadaloupe and St. Lucie were recovered by the redoubtable Victor Hugues, formerly a baker at Port au Prince, but suddenly raised, in the confusion of the times, to high political authority, and appointed by the French Convention commissioner for the Windward Islands. St. Domingo was also invaded, and the British and Spaniards were enabled, by the aid of the planters, to occupy several towns on the coast. But the interior of the island, and a part of the coast also, continued to be held for the French republic by several mulatto and black chiefs, among whom Toussaint soon rose to emi

nence.

The news of the British order in council on the subject of the French colonial trade produced a great excitement at Philadelphia. The struggle, for the moment, seemed to be which party should show itself most decided March 12. as against this new aggression. Sedgwick introduced a series of resolutions for the raising of fifteen regiments of a thousand men each, to be enlisted for two years, but bound to serve three years if war should break out, and in the mean time to be drilled not exceeding twenty-four days in each year, to be paid half a dollar for each day's service. The consideration of this proposal was set aside by the calling up of Madison's resolutions, upon which another long debate ensued. In addition to the old objections, this new one was now urged, that the existing state of things looked to war, and that something more serious had become necessary than mere regulations of commerce. In the course of the debate, Ames denounced the resolutions as having French stamped on their face ; to which Parker replied, with great warmth, that he

VI.

wished every body had a stamp on his forehead, to show CHAPTER whether he was for France or Great Britain. He entered upon a high eulogium of France, to which country 1794. alone it was owing that we enjoyed independence. This sentiment drew down the applause of the galleries; but the House, however French precedents might have justified them, were not willing to submit to this intrusion, and the galleries, though not without a debate upon it, were ordered to be cleared.

While this debate was still going on, the feeling against Great Britain was still further stimulated by the publication in the New York papers of what purported to be a speech of Lord Dorchester's to certain Indians who had waited upon him as a deputation from the late general council held at the Rapids of the Maumee. The sugges tion in this speech of the probability of a speedy rupture between the United States and Great Britain was taken as new and strong proof of the hostile disposition of the British, especially as Lord Dorchester had just returned from a visit to England, and might be supposed to speak by authority. The authenticity of this speech has been called in question by Marshall and others, it is believed, however, on insufficient grounds. At all events, no such idea was suggested by Hammond, the British minister, between whom and Randolph a rather tart correspondence presently ensued on the subject of this speech, and respecting certain alleged encroachments by the people of Vermont, the building of a new fort by the British on the Maumee, and other matters of mutual complaint.

Under the excitement of the moment, a joint resolu- March 26 tion was passed, laying an embargo for thirty days, afterward extended for thirty days longer-a measure which seemed to have chiefly in view the obstructing the supply of provisions to the British fleet and army in the

« PreviousContinue »