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she ever shown any disposition to enter into reciprocal CHAPTER regulations? Has she not, by a temporizing policy, plainly declared that, until we are willing and able to 1789. do justice to ourselves, she will shut us out from her ports and make us tributary to her? Have we not seen her taking one legislative step after another to destroy our commerce? Has not her Legislature given discretionary powers to the executive, that so it might be ever on the watch, ready to seize any advantage which our weakness might offer? And have we not reason to believe that she will continue a policy void of regard to us, so long as she can gather into her lap the benefits we feebly endeavor to withhold, and for which she ought rather to court us, by allowing to our ships an open and liberal participation in the commerce we desire? If she finds us indecisive in counteracting her machinations, will she not continue to consult her own interests as heretofore? If we remain in a state of apathy, we shall not fulfill the object of our appointment. Most of the states of the Union have, in some shape or other, shown symptoms of their disapprobation of British policy. Those states have now relinquished the power of continuing their systems; but they have done so under the impression that a more efficient government would effectually support their views. If we are timid and inactive, we shall disappoint the just expectations of our constituents, and the expectations, I venture to say, of the very nation against whom this measure is principally directed. It must be productive of benefit to give some early symptom of the power and will of the new government to redress our national wrongs. We shall soon be in a condition, we now are in a condition, to wage a commercial warfare with that nation. The produce of this country is more necessary to the rest of the

CHAPTER World than that of other countries is to America. Were

I. we disposed to hazard the experiment of interdicting 1789. the intercourse between us and the powers not in alli

ance with us, we should have overtures of the most advantageous kinds tendered by those nations. If we have the disposition, we have abundantly the power, to vindicate our cause. Let us show the world that we know how to discriminate between our commercial friends and our commercial enemies. Let us show that if a war breaks out in Europe, and is extended to, and carried on in, the West Indies, we can aid and succor the one, and shut the other out of our ports. By these favors, without entering into the contest, or violating the law of nations, or going beyond the privileges of neutrals, we can give the most decided advantage to one or other of the warring nations."

Apart from her disinclination hitherto to enter into permanent arrangements on the subject of commerce, the principal, it may be said, the sole ground of complaint against the commercial policy of Great Britain, was, the exclusion of American vessels from her colonial ports. That exclusion, however, was not aimed particularly at the United States. It was only an application to them of that system of colonial policy on which Great Britain had so long acted. A similar exclusion from the colonies of Spain and Portugal, embracing the whole American continent south of the United States, and extending to products as well as vessels, was not thought of as a grievance. There was, to be sure, this difference, that the United States had once enjoyed, as British colonies, that trade with the British West Indies, from which, as an independent nation, they were now excluded. As all American ports were open to British vessels, it was insisted that, in the way of fair reci

L.

procity, all British ports, whether in the colonies or CHAPTER elsewhere, ought to be equally open to American vessels. For near two generations, this West India trade con- 1789. tinued a subject of remonstrances, negotiations, and retaliations, during all which period Great Britain held firmly to her own system, allowing a participation in her colonial trade, if at all, only on terms prescribed by herself. Finally, at a very recent period, having abandoned, upon new views of her own interest, that colonial policy so long considered a main pillar of her commercial greatness, Great Britain has voluntarily thrown open her colonial ports to all the world, thus of her own accord granting to the United States what no system of retaliation or counter-exclusion had been able to extort.

The views taken by Madison were supported by Fitzsimmons, and were so far sustained by the House that they agreed to a discrimination of three cents per gallon on spirits of highest proof, and two cents on all others, in favor of nations having commercial treaties with the United States.

The molasses duty coming next in order, the Massachusetts representatives made a new and strong effort to reduce it. Goodhue thus stated the case: "Molasses is obtained almost wholly from the French West Indies, in exchange for our fish. Nine months in the year our fishermen are employed upon the Banks, but the fish they catch during part of that time are unfit for any other market, nor can we get any other return for them but rum and molasses, as France does not allow us to export from her islands any other commodities, and the reason for allowing these is that, if carried to France, they might interfere with the French wines and brandies. If we did not take these articles, they would prohibit our fish. If

I.

CHAPTER the importation of molasses should fall through, our fisheries would fall with it. The committee have placed a 1789. duty on this article equivalent to thirty per cent., higher in proportion than any other on the list. The reason given was that a revenue ought to be raised on the rum manufactured from it. But it would be more just to raise that revenue by an excise at the still-head, so as not to include the molasses consumed in the raw state. Custom has made it a necessary of life among the poorer classes of our people; those who can not afford the expense of sugar use molasses. The tax is unequal; it would fall chiefly on Massachusetts, which imports annually thirty thousand hogsheads, upon which, at the rate proposed, a greater duty would be paid than on all the rum and sugar imported into Pennsylvania, articles of which Massachusetts also imports her proportion." Goodhue was seconded with great zeal by Gerry, Wadsworth, and Ames. It was stated, in the course of the debate, that the cod-fishery employed four hundred and eighty vessels, amounting to twenty-seven thousand tons, and half as much tonnage more in carrying the fish to market, the whole amount taken yearly being four hundred thousand quintals. The capital employed in the business of distilling was estimated at half a million of dollars. Both the fisheries and the distilleries had suffered greatly by the Revolution. At one period they were almost annihilated, but had gradually recovered since the peace. The old market for New England rum on the coast of Africa had been regained, and new ones had been lately opened in the north of Europe. But the fishermen could no longer sell their fish, as formerly, in the British West Indies, and they had lost the annual bounty of twenty thousand pounds which the British government had been accustomed to pay.

I.

To all these arguments, it was again urged in reply CHAPTER that the duty on molasses was nothing more, in fact, than

a substitute for the state duties heretofore levied on the 1789. import of New England rum, and which, by the adoption of the new Constitution, had fallen to the ground. Though paid, in the first place, by the Massachusetts importers, it must ultimately fall on the consumers of the rum, who were scattered throughout the United States. To this were added various reflections on the deleterious effects of rum, by which Ames was provoked into the following diatribe, betraying already, at that early day, the ultraconservative cast of his temper. He was for treating as idle the visionary notion of reforming the morals of the people by a tax on molasses. We are not to consider ourselves while here as at a church or school, to listen to the harangues of speculative piety; we are to talk of the political interests committed to our charge. When we take up the subject of morality, let our system look toward that object, and not confound itself with revenue and protection of manufactures. If gentlemen conceive that a law will direct the taste of the people from spirituous to malt liquors, they must have more romantic notions of legislative influence than experience justifies."

The House would not reduce the duty, but, for the consolation of the distillers, agreed to what they had refused in committee-a drawback to the amount of three cents per gallon on all rum exported to foreign countries. The list of articles being gone through with, a special committee was appointed to bring in a bill.

"As we

The resolutions respecting tonnage duties coming up, May 4. Lawrence made another vigorous effort to do away with the discrimination in favor of allied nations. had no treaties with Spain and Portugal, they, as well as Great Britain, might take offense, and might retort by