duced by the Stamp Act. Massachusetts was, however, from her situation, more likely than most of the colonies to be affected by an act that in the first instance affected commerce. At the next session of the legislature after the news of the passing of the act was received, the most efficient measures were adopted for making their opinion known in England, and of rousing the attention of the other colonies to the nature of the subject. On the 12th of January, the House addressed a letter of instructions to their agent in London, which contained most elaborate and able vindication of the rights of the colonists. This letter discovers, as indeed most of these documents do, a very familiar acquaintance with the principles of government, and of those of the British constitution ; and it is one of the best written pieces in the book. The whole argument against taxing the colonies is clearly and forcibly stated; but after what we have already said and the extracts we have given upon this subject, it is hardly worth our while to attempt giving an abridgment of it. In this letter the House likewise speak of the appropriation which it was understood was to be made of the revenue thus unconstitutionally raised. In the first place it was to furnish a support to the governor and judges, in the colonies where it should be thought necessary. It had long been a subject of apprehension with the legislature, that they should be deprived of all check upon the governor, by his being rendered independent of the people for his support. This House,' say they, apprehends it would be grievous and of dangerous tendency, if the crown should not only appoint governors over the colonies, but allow them such stipends as it shall judge proper, at the expense of the people, and without their consent." And although they could not have questioned the benefits of an independent judiciary, yet they observe If the judges of England have independent livings, it must be remembered that the tenure of their commission is during good behaviour, which is a safeguard to the people.' In the next place the revenue was to be applied by Parliament from time to time in defending and securing the colonies; in other words, it was to be appropriated to the support of a standing army in the colonies. Against this the House remonstrate: As Englishmen, as well as British subjects, they have an aversion to an unnecessary standing army, which they look upon as dangerous to their civil liber

ties; and considering the examples of ancient times, it seems a little surprizing that a mother state should trust large bodies of mercenary troops in her colonies, at so great a distance from her, lest in process of time, when the spirits of the people shall be depressed by the military power, another Cæsar should arise and usurp the authority of his master.' p. 130.

The House likewise sent letters, signed by their speaker, addressed to the secretaries of state, to the Marquis of Rockingham, the lords Camden and Chatham, and the lords commissioners of the treasury, which contained a similar statement of their rights and grievances; and solicited the assistance of these officers and noblemen in procuring them relief. These, together with a petition to the king, were the means adopted by the legislature for making their complaints known in England. At home they attempted to revive their plan adopted with regard to the Stamp Act, that of producing a union and cooperation of the colonies. Letters were sent in the name of the House to the several Houses of Representatives and Burgesses on the continent-informing them of the petition, instructions, and letters abovementioned, and recapitulating the grounds therein taken- These,' they say, are the sentiments and proceedings of this House; and conclude The House is fully satisfied, that your Assembly is too generous and liberal in sentiment to believe that this letter proceeds from an ambition of taking the lead, or dictating to the other assemblies. They freely submit their opinions to the judgment of others; and shall take it kind in your House to point out to them any thing further that may be thought necessary.' p. 136.

6

This third attempt of Massachusetts to unite the colonies in opposition to an act of Parliament excited the strongest indignation of the ministry. Instructions were sent to Governor Bernard, to require that the House should, under penalty of dissolution, rescind their vote, in consequence of which the circular had been prepared and sent. This requisition was communicated to the new legislature, which met on the last of May 1768. The House in their reply, after justifying entirely the spirit and language of the circular, observe, that the vote has already been executed, as the letters have been sent and many of them answered, and cannot be rescinded; but if, as most probable, by the word rescinding

be intended a passing a vote of this House, in direct and express disapprobation of the measure abovementioned, as "illegal, inflammatory, and tending to promote unjustifiable combination against his majesty's peace, crown, and dignity," we must take the liberty to testify and publickly to declare, that we take it to be the native, inherent, and indefeasible right of the subject, jointly or severally, to petition the king for a redress of grievances; provided always that the same be done in a decent, dutiful, and constitutional way, without tumult, disorder, or confusion.' They conclude as follows:

• We take this opportunity faithfully to represent to your Excellency, that the new revenue acts and measures, are not only disagreeable to, but in every view are deemed an insupportable burthen and grievance, with a very few exceptions, by all the freeholders and other inhabitants of this jurisdiction. And we beg leave, once for all, to assure your Excellency, that those of this opinion are of no "party or expiring faction.' They have at all times been ready to devote their time and fortunes to his majesty's service. Of loyalty, this majority could as reasonably boast as any who may happen to enjoy your Excellency's smiles. Their reputation, rank, and fortune are at least equal to those who may have sometimes been considered as the only friends to good government; while some of the best blood in the colony, even in the two Houses of Assembly, lawfully convened, and duly act ing, have been openly charged with the unpardonable crime of oppugnation against the royal authority. We have now only to inform your Excellency that this House have voted not to rescind, as required, the resolution of the last House; and that on a division on the question, there were ninety-two nays, and seventeen yeas. In all this we have been actuated by a conscientious, and finally, a clear and determined sense of duty to God, to our king, our country, and our latest posterity; and we most ardently wish and humbly pray, that in your future conduct, your Excellency may be influenced by the same principles. p. 150.

On the day this message was sent, the governor prorogued the Assembly; and on the day following, dissolved it by proclamation. This was just after the election, and the province was thus left without a legislature for the whole political year.

Opposition was not likely to be checked by such a measure; on the contrary,, it went on not the less systematically, and probably with more spirit, for this arbitrary dissolution of

the Assembly. We are obliged, however, to pass over many interesting incidents, and proceed to the time when another Assembly convened, which was on the last Wednesday of May 1769. Governments and communities have suffered as much from false pride, as individuals. Those who guided the destinies of Great Britain at that time might easily have seen, that the opposition in America had been conducted entirely upon principle; that it was guided by men whose characters were staked on their consistency and perseverance, and men to whom character must necessarily be dearer than life and all its possessions. Such an opposition, it ought to have been known, was not to be subdued by the same measures that would have been adopted to quell the fury of a London mob. Yet it is difficult to say what other alternative was offered the government, than a resort to force or a relinquishment of a good deal of what they firmly believed to be their legitimate authority. It is not very surprising, however unwise it undoubtedly was, that the former part of the alternative was preferred. In the latter part of 1768 and the beginning of 1769, troops had from time to time been arriving in Boston, which was uniformly considered the head quarters of rebellion and disaffection. As if to render this measure still more galling to the feelings of a proud and jealous people, part of these troops, instead of being stationed at the Castle in the harbour, were brought up to the town and quartered in State (then King's) street, where the building was situated, in which the meetings of the legislature were held. When the new assembly met, they found these troops with cannon pointed towards the door of the Court House, and occupying one of the public offices in the building as a guard room. The meaning of all this was not to be misunderstood; and the first thing the House did was to send a message to the governor, remonstrating, in the most resolute terms, against these circumstances, as an infraction of the rights of the people, and as utterly inconsistent with their dignity, and the freedom with which they ought to deliberate and determine. The governor informed them, he had no authority over the troops in the town. As this was the day of general election, upon which, by charter, the counsellors for the year ensuing were to be chosen, the House proceeded to this business: after having passed a resolve, protesting that they did so only from necessity, and that their conduct was not to be drawn into a

precedent, or considered as a relinquishment of their constitutional rights. This however was all they chose to do. Several messages passed between the House and Governor; the former asserting their determination not to proceed to business whilst troops were quartered in the town where they were convened; the latter insisting upon his want of authority to withdraw the troops. Nearly three weeks of the session had elapsed, and, although the House had continued to meet daily, no business had been transacted; when the governor informed them that although he had not the power to remove the troops from Boston, yet he could adjourn the legislature to any other town; and he accordingly did adjourn them to Cambridge. This compromise rather served to heighten the indignation of the House; for, as they observe, instead of the least abatement of this military parade, the General Assembly has been made to give way to an armed force, as the only means in the power of the governor to remove the difficulty justly complained of. What made the whole transaction still more insulting was, that on the very night after the adjournment, the cannon were withdrawn from the neighbourhood of the Court House. But however the House resented this removal, they now found themselves at liberty to proceed to business, consistently with their determination at the beginning of the session; and owing to the early dissolution of the Assembly of the last year, the business was so much in arrears as to render farther neglect extremely inconvenient. In their attention to the internal affairs of the province, it may well be presumed, they did not entirely overlook the more interesting subjects connected with the dispute with the mother country. On the 27th of June, the House voted a petition to the King, for the removal of Sir Francis Bernard from the government of the province. On the day following, the governor, by a message, which contained no reference to the above-mentioned petition, informed the House that the King had required him to repair to England, for the purpose of laying before him the state of the province. But as he was to attend the King as Governor of the province, he informed them there was the same necessity for a grant of the usual salary, as heretofore; and desired that according to the 49th instruction of his Majesty, such grant might precede the other business of the session. The House thought proper to put a different construction on the 49th instruction of his Majesty ; and