disposed toward peace, and to strengthen this feeling "I have taken the liberty, in conjunction with other gentlemen who are commissioners under Gen. Greene's appointment, to recommend it to Col. Martin, the Virginia agent for Indian affairs, to conduct two principal chiefs of the Cherokee Nation to your excellency's headquarters, that they might see with their own eyes the power of America and hear from your mouth the fate of their nation."

It seems that this programme was carried out in part, for we find Martin in Richmond in November with two chiefs; but Governor Nelson had resigned the government a few days before and the chiefs were not received, as they had expected, although they were promised by the executive some assistance in clothing, ammunition, etc. Martin urged that this be done, adding that some of the towns were friendly and would not draw off to the enemy if they could be supplied with necessaries.

Gen. Greene in the meantime had appointed agents for Indian affairs, and Governor Harrison instructed Martin,June 6, 1782, that he was to consult with them on important matters; but Martin was to advise him of any change in the temper of the Cherokees. "Much, therefore, must be left to your prudence and discretion, in both which I have confidence."

The relations of the States to the southward of Virginia with the Cherokees were equally unsatisfactory. Governor Harrison writes Martin in July, 1782, that the Indians were making continual inroads into South Carolina, and that Governor Mathews was making an expedition into their country; that Georgia was also at war with them, and forbids him to furnish them any necessities until further orders.

The State of North Carolina also took very decided steps in its dealings with the Cherokees. During the year 1782 Gen. McDowell, Col. Sevier, and Waightstill Avery were appointed commissioners to treat with the Cherokees and Chickamaugas. They were reinforced by an army, and their first duty was to destroy the hostile towns of the Indians. They were to be required to cede to North Carolina all the lands within the chartered bounds of North Carolina to the Ohio and the Mississippi; eastern and western boundary lines were to be established for the nation. French Broad and its tributaries were to be given up in satisfaction for injuries done by the inhabi

tants of the nearer towns, and the Chickamaugas were to return to the Cherokees.

The knowledge of these demands and that of the army which was backing them, together with the action of South Carolina and Georgia, had a wholesome influence on the savages. Col. Martin was among them in August, 1782, arranging the preliminaries of a treaty,* and writes Col. Campbell, September 18: "I believe that never were people more desirous of peace than the Cherokees."

Martin's next important public service was as one of the commissioners appointed on behalf of the State of Virginia to treat with the Cherokees, Creeks, and Chickasaws for peace. The appointment was made January 13, 1783. The other commissioners were John Donelson and Isaac Shelby. They were also to assist Gen. Clark in making a purchase of land from them, and "Your commission also extends to the Cherokees, with whom I desire a firm treaty may be concluded, particularly with the tribe called the Chickamaugas, as they are the most troublesome and the hardest to come at.

May 17, 1783, Martin was commissioned Indian agent of North Carolina among the Cherokees and Chickamaugas. He was to visit them once in six months in their own country, deliver them messages from the governor, and record their talks.f

Martin, representing North Carolina and Virginia, and Donelson, representing Virginia, held a treaty with the Chickamaugas at the Long Island of Holston July 9, 1783, under these instructions, and gave them presents of ruffled and plain shirts, of red and blue cloth for match coats, also powder and lead and "Dowlas," but Martin regrets that he had no authority to treat with them for the north side of Tennessee mouth.‡

It was the opinion of Martin that the Chickasaw treaty should also be held on the Holston, some 30 or 40 miles below the island, or on French Broad, "36 miles this side of Chote," because there would be much less expense connected with these. He was overruled in his opinions by Cols. Donelson and Shelby and Governor Harrison.§ Martin and Donelson were ready by the middle of May, but were delayed. They

* Calender Virginia State Papers, III, 272.

+ Iredell's Revisal, 469.

Calender Virginia State Papers, III, 511. § Ibid., 469, 511.

met the Red King of the Chickasaws and his chief warriors at the French Lick, on Cumberland River, 4 miles northwest of Nashville, November 5 and 6, 1783. They found them well inclined to peace. The Chickasaws confessed they had been instigated by the English. They were now ready to drive the Cherokees from their lands, and relinquished to the whites a section of country extending nearly 40 miles south of Cumberland River to the ridge dividing its tributaries from those of Duck and Elk Rivers. This was further ratified and confirmed by the treaty of Hopewell in 1785. From this time the Chickasaws were friendy to the whites. This treaty caused an increased flow of population to Cumberland.

The Creeks did not send representatives to this treaty, and Martin writes that they "are continually committing hostilities on the frontiers of Kentucky and Cumberland. They have sent a few of their warriors to Augusta, Ga., with peace talks to amuse that State, while they bend all their forces against our frontiers." An effort was also made to gather representatives of the Shawnees at the Falls of the Ohio, but as their warriors were then making a treaty at Niagara this was found impossible.

XII. THE THIRD POWELL'S VALLEY SETTLEMENT.

Martin had not more than gotten the negotiations with the Chickasaws under way before he made an adventure in another direction. This was nothing less than a third attempt at the settlement of Powell's Valley. The impelling motive this time seems to have been commercial and strategic as well as agricultural. The purpose can best be expressed in the words of Col. William Christian, than whom no braver pioneer graces the annals of our early history. The letter is also of value as giving us an opinion of the ability of Col. Martin. He writes Col. Sampson Mathews on December 30, 1782:

*

After writing the letters by Col. Taylor, Col. Martin and myself had a good deal of conversation about his situation, where he is, as an agent for Virginia. As soon as we talked a little about it, I saw the impropriety of it, and we agreed that I should write to you upon the subject.

* Putnam, 196, is wrong in saying this was begun and concluded in the month of January, 1783.

Ramsey: Tennessee, 459, 463; American State Papers, Indian Affairs, 1,432, 326; see report to Governor Harrison in Calendar, Virginia State Papers, 11, 548, December 16, 1783.

The Island is in North Carolina about 10 miles; and in my opinion it is not very agreeable to the North Carolinians for us to have a trade and agency in their State. The settlements down the river, extend about 30 miles, and to the southwest and the south much more. The only way the Indians can come to the Island in safety is up the river, and even on that route they have suffered. These inconveniences oblige Col. Martin to go all the way to the Nation with the goods the Executive furnishes him with which adds considerable to the expenses attending the trade. And if business is to be done it is a great risk to bring them to the Island.

What I mean, then, to submit to your consideration is the removing of the store and agency to Cumberland Gap. The Gap lies directly betwixt the lines of Henderson and Walker; but a post might be fixed within both, to be certainly in Virginia as the lines are but 24 miles asunder. The Gap is near halfway betwixt our settlements on Holston and Kentucky, and a post there would be a resting place for our poor citizens going back and forward; and would be a great means of saving the lives of hundreds of them. For it very seldom happens that Indians will kill people near where they trade; and it is thereabouts the most of the mischief on the road has been done. The best hunting-grounds the Cherokees now have is down Tennessee and up Powell's Valley to Cumberland Gap; there being certain fixed bounds betwixt them and the Chickasaws and Creeks, over which neither must trespass. And at any rate, the Gap is nearer to the Towns than the Island; more convenient for their trade, and more safe on account of our own people. Besides wherever an agent is, Indians will be every now and then coming to him. In Powell's Valley they could for some time to come furnish themselves with provisions; at the Island they have no chance but to live upon Col. Martin-it has, however, been the case for a long time past, for I am convinced all the pay he gets from the State would not buy the provisions he has to give away to them. If our trade should be increased, I dare say Powell's River is navigable for canoes, and would answer that end as well as Holston.

Col. Martin could easily procure a number of families to join him and erect a Station next spring in Powell's Valley, and would willingly do it, if directed so to do by Government. Nothwithstanding I think the pay of half a dozen, or a dozen men for a few months at the beginning would be well laid out. Indeed I always thought our State ought to have kept a post at the Gap. There is a noted place called Martin's 20 miles above the Gap, where there was a station some years ago, that might answer. But the Gap is much to be preferred to any other. Col. Martin is a field officer in our Washington, and I should suppose there need be no officer in pay at his Station, and no other expense attending the men, if any are ordered but their pay & provisions.

I view the change I propose as of great importance to the frontiers of Washington, to our people journeying to & from Kentucky; particularly the poor families moving out, to the Indian trade to the Indian agency in general.

I know of no views but the public good that Martin or myself could have in this change. I have therefore, to stipulate with you, Sir, that if the proposition is disliked that the blame may fall on me alone.

*

I wish to mention to you that I have been well acquainted with Col. Martin's public transactions and management for more than six years past, and have always observed him to be a faithful, trusty servant to the public, acting at all times fairly and openly without respect to the censure or applause of the lawless or licentious. I have always found him a man of the greatest candor and integrity in all his dealings, public and private, and I verily believe the back country does not afford a man so fit in all respects, as he is for your Agent. I am sure he has been within an inch of losing his life in the service, when a man of less zeal for his country's welfare would have shuned the danger: In short, Sir, he is an undesigning, plain, honest, brave man, and understands the manners and dispositions of the Indians better than [any] body I know; besides, he is held in great esteem by all ranks of them. It is for fear Col. Martin has been, or may be traduced by men unacquainted with his merit, that I trouble you upon this head, and I am satisfied it will give you pleasure to know that those in trust under the direction of your Board are honest men. The matter was presented to Governor Harrison at once. He recognized the importance and necessity of the movement and urged Martin to undertake it. This he agreed to do, and pushed his preparations vigorously. On April 14, 1783, he writes the governor: "I had nearly got ready to move to Powell's Valley when the Indians attacked the settlement on Clinch. This discouraged the men and families for the present, but I hope to be able to move them towards fall if the business of the treaty don't prevent it."+ Governor Harrison writes him from the Council, May 20: "Your removal to Powell's Valley is so absolutely necessary that I desire no considerations may stop you from the execution of your orders as early in the fall as possible."

This put the matters into shape, and Martin writes the gov. ernor, August 30, that he had just sent off the people to Powell's Valley "to begin a station there,"‡ and in December it was settling fast. In May, 1784, there were about "100 souls," mostly women and children, and were in danger from the Indians. This fear was renewed from time to time. Martin writes to Governor Henry on June 25, 1786: "I am truly disturbed on account of the poor settlers in Powell's Valley. I had positive orders from Governor Harrison to

* Calendar Virginia State Papers, 111, 406-408. As early as November, 11, 1779, Gov. Jefferson was thinking of fixing a post in Powell's Valley. + Ibid., 468.

Ibid., III, 527, 547. Martin's Old Station was 20 miles from Martin's New Station, and this was 2 miles from Cumberland Gap. Ibid., V, 391. § Ibid., III, 581.