"Stranger, can you tell me the nearest road to Santiago? That is the place they were looking for. And the leader of one of those regiments in that campaign shall be the name that I shall place before this convention for the office of Vice-President of the United States."

Senator Depew's speech, which was not on the program, but can not be omitted from the history of the Convention, seconding the nomination of Governor Roosevelt, was one of the features of the Convention. His character and career sketches of McKinley and Roosevelt were irresistibly fetching. This was in the best possible form.

"McKinley, a young soldier, and coming out a major; McKinley, a Congressman, and making a tariff; McKinley, a President, elected because he represented the protection of American industries, and McKinley, after four years' development, in peace, in war, in prosperity and in adversity, the greatest President save one or two that this country ever had, and the greatest ruler in Christendom to-day. So with Colonel Roosevelt-we call him Teddy.

"He was the child of New York, of New York City, the place that you gentlemen from the West think means 'coupons, clubs and eternal damnation for every one. Teddy, this child of Fifth avenue-he was the child of the clubs; he was the child of the exclusiveness of Harvard College, and he went West and became a cowboy; and then he went into the Navy Department and became an assistant secretary.

"He gave an order, and the old chiefs of bureaus came to him and said: 'Why, Colonel, there is no authority and no requisition to burn this powder.' 'Well,' said the Colonel, 'we have got to get ready when war comes, and powder was manufactured to be burned.' And the burning of that powder sunk Cervera's fleet outside of Santiago Harbor, and the fleet in Manila Bay.

"At Santiago a modest voice was heard, exceedingly polite, addressing a militia regiment, lying upon the ground, while the Spanish bullets were flying over them. This voice said: 'Get one side, gentlemen, please, one side, gentlemen, please, that my men can get out.' And when this polite man got his men out in the open, where they could face the bayonet and face the bullet, there was a transformation, and the transformation was that the dude had become a cowboy, the cowboy had become a soldier, the soldier had become a hero, and rushing up the hill, pistol in hand, the polite man shouted to the militiamen lying down: 'Give them hell, boys. Give them hell.'"

CHAPTER XII.

THE CAMPAIGN OF 1900.

McKinley's Ohio Home-His Notification at Canton of His Nomination for a Second Term or the Presidency-The Significance and Scenery of the Event-The Twenty-fifth President's Speech Accepting His Second Nomination and Reviewing the Promises His Adminis tration Redeemed.

Notification day brought to the home of President McKinley, the brick-paved, maple-treed, shaded city of homelike beauty, Canton, Ohio, delegations from surrounding towns, including some thousands of men from the shops. The farmers left their fields to go to see Canton once more as it was in the brave days of '96. Again the national airs were resonant; the processions moved, the carriages and horsemen were heard on the clean brick pavements-the streets were crowded about the McKinley home, and the turf of the pretty front yard was trampled once more by enthusiasts whose irrepressible enthusiasm was irresistible. Again was heard the voice so familiar in other years, silent under the strain of surpassing reponsibilities; and now the words spoken were those of the Chief Magistrate of one of the great Powers of the world, and would be of interest and importance to all nations of the earth, and his audience waited far beyond the shady streets, the handsome and tidy homes and the green fields of Ohio, in the great cities of the land, the superb capitals of Europe, and beyond the ancient walls of Asia.

It is the fashion on such occasions as that of the notification of President McKinley of the action of the Philadelphia Convention, that he shall be advised some days in advance in that which is to be said in the address of announcement, that no point may be neglected; and there was evidence in the address by Senator Lodge and the President's reply, that they were in close sympathy and harmony, entirely understanding the situation and themselves. The two speeches were as one, for there was a single purpose, and through two utterances there was a dominant characteristic-that of frank language. There was not only no "scuttle," but no evasion, no slighting. There was simple, clear, sincere, strong business talks, going into all the great state subjects thoroughly. There was in the President's speech the ring of understanding

that he was master of the situation, for he had told the people the truth and gained their confidence, and was conscious of the splendor of their response. In what was said of all the great questions there are no double meanings. The latest of the new problems,—that of China,was treated in as plain spoken a way as were the Philippines. Follow ing the President came Senator Fairbanks, who gave the keynote on the silver question; Senator Hanna, who called upon all men to do their duty; Postmaster-General Smith, who gave a brief, but profound analy sis of the illusions of the Democratic party; Senator Lodge once more, this time informally and with refreshing effect, and the representative from Hawaii. The substance of the speaking was the prominent presentation of the fact that the policy of the Opposition was further strife to unsettle the standard of value and take backward and downward steps as to the character of money and the elevation of credit; and the certainty that the advance points of Republican progress fairly won are to be maintained at all hazards and against all comers with a point. blank fire.

The address of Senator Henry Cabot Lodge at the McKinley home, formally notifying the President of his nomination, follows:

Mr. President:-This committee, representing every state in the Union, and the organized territories, of the United States, was duly ap pointed to announce to you, formally, your nomination by the Republican National Convention, which met in Philadelphia on June 19 last, as the candidate of the Republican party for President of the United States for the term beginning March 4, 1901. To be selected by the Republican party as their candidate for this great office is always one of the highest honors which can be given to any man. This nomination, however, comes to you, sir, under circumstances which give it a higher significance and make it even a deeper expression of honor and trust than usual. You were nominated unanimously at Philadelphia. You received the unforced vote of every delegate, from every state and every territory.

The harmony of sentiment which appears on the face of the result was but the reflection of the deeper harmony which existed in the hearts and minds of the delegates. Without friction, without dissent, with profound satisfaction and eager enthusiasm you were nominated for the Presidency by the united voice of the representatives of our great party, in which there is neither sign of division nor shadow of turning.

Such unanimity, always remarkable, is here the more impressive, be cause it accompanies a second nomination to the great office which you have held for four years. It is not the facile triumph of hope over experience, but the sober approval of conduct and character tested in many trials and tried by heavy and extraordinary responsibilities.

With the exception of the period in which Washington organized the Nation and built the state, and of those other awful years when Lincoln led his people through the agony of civil war and saved from destruction the work of Washington, there has never been a Presidential term in our history so crowded with great events, so filled with new and momentous questions, as that which is now drawing to its end.

True to the declarations which were made at St. Louis in 1896, you, sir, united with the Republicans in Congress in the reunion of the tariff and the re-establishment of the protective policy. You maintained our credit and upheld the gold standard, leading the party by your advice to the passage of the great measure which is today the bulwark of both. You led again the policy which has made Hawaii a possession of the United States. On all these questions you fulfilled the hopes and justified the confidence of the people, who four years ago put trust in our promises. But on all these questions, also, you had as guides, not only your own principles, the well considered results of years of training and reflection, but, also, the plain declarations of the National Convention which nominated you in 1896. Far different was it when the Cuban question, which we had promised to settle, brought first war and then peace, with Spain. Congress declared war, but you, as Commander-inChief, had to carry it on. You did so and history records unbroken vic tory from the first shot of the "Nashville" to the day when the protocol was signed. The peace you had to make alone, Cuba, Porto Rico, the Philippines. You had to assume alone the responsibility of taking them all from Spain. Alone, and weighted with the terrible responsibility of the unchecked war powers of the constitution, you were obliged to govern these islands, and to repress disorder and rebellion in the Philippines. No party creed defined the course you were to follow. Courage, foresight, comprehension of American interests, both now and in the uncharted future, faith in the American people and in their fitness for great tasks were then your only guides and counsellors.

Thus, you framed and put in operation this great new policy which as made us at once masters of the Antilles and a great eastern power,

holding firmly our possessions on both sides of the Pacific. The new and strange ever excite fear, and the courage and prescience which accept them always arouse criticism and attack. Yet a great departure and a new policy were never more quickly justified than those undertaken by you. On the possession of the Philippines rests the admirable diplomacy which warned all nations that American trade was not to be shut out from China. It is to Manila that we owe the ability to send troops and ships in this time of stress to the defense of our ministers, our missionaries, our consuls and our merchants in China, instead of being compelled to leave our citizens to the casual protection of other pow ers, as would have been unavoidable, had we flung the Philippines away and withdrawn from the Orient.

Rest assured, sir, that the vigorous measure which you have thus been enabled to take, and that all further measures in the same direction which you may take, for the protection of American lives and property, will receive the hearty support of the people of the United States, who are now, as always, determined that the American citizen shall be protected at any cost in all his rights, everywhere, and at all times. It is to Manila again, to our fleet in the bay and our army on the land, that we shall owe the power, when these scenes of blood in China are closed, to exact reparation, to enforce stern justice, and to insist, in the final settlement, upon an open door to all that vast market for our fast growing commerce.

Events, moving with terrible rapidity, have been swift witnesses to the wisdom of your action in the east. The Philadelphia Convention has adopted your policy both in the Antilles and the Philippines and has made it their own and that of the Republican party.

Your election, sir, next November assures to us the continuance of that policy abroad and in our new possessions. To entrust these difficult and vital questions to other hands, at once incompetent and hostile, would be a disaster to us and a still more unrelieved disaster to our posterity.

Your election means not only protection to our industries but the maintenance of a sound currency and of the gold standard, the very cornerstone of our economic and financial welfare. Should these be shaken, as they would be by the success of our opponents, the whole fabric of our business confidence and prosperity would fall to ruin. Your defeat would be the signal of the advance of the free trade, for the