COLLECTION 9.17.52 THE I. W. W. A Brief History In the fall of 1904 six active workers in the revolu-tionary labor movement held a conference. After exchanging views and discussing the conditions then confronting the workers of the United States, they decided to issue a call for a larger gathering. These six workers were Isaac Cowen, American representative of the Amalgamated Society of Engineers of Great Britain, Clarence Smith, general secretarytreasurer of the American Labor Union, Thomas. J. Hagerty, editor of the "Voice of Labor,' official organ of the A. L. U., George Estes, president of the United Brotherhood of Railway Employes, W. L. Hall, general secretary-treasurer U. B. R. E., and Wm. E. Trautmann, editor of the "Brauer Zeitung" the official organ of the United Brewery Workers of America. Invitations were then sent out to thirty-six additional individuals who were active in the radical labor organizations and the socialist political movement of the United States inviting them to meet in secret conference in Chicago, Illinois, January 2, 1905. Of the thirty-six who received the invitation, but two declined to attend the proposed conference-Max S. Hayes and Victor Berger—both of whom were in editorial charge of socialist political party and trade union organs. The conference met at the appointed time with thirty present, and drew up the Industrial Union Manifesto calling for a convention to be held in Chicago, June 27, 1905 for the purpose of launching an organization in THE I. W. W. accord with the principles set forth in the Manifesto. The work of circulating the Manifesto was handled by an executive committee of the conference, the American Labor Union and Western Federation of Miners. The Manifesto was widely circulated in several languages. On the date set the convention assembled with 186 delegates present from 34 state, district, national and local organizations representing about 90,000 members. All who were present as delegates were not there in good faith. Knowledge of this fact caused the signers of the Manifesto to constitute themselves a temporary committee on credentials. This temporary credentials committee ruled that representation for organizations would be based upon the number of members in their respective organizations only where such delegates were empowered by their organizations to install said organizations as integral parts of the Industrial Union when formed. Where not so empowered delegates would only be allowed one vote. One of the delegations present was from the Illinois State District of the United Mine Workers of America. The membership of that district at that time was in the neighborhood of 50,000. Under the above rule these delegates were seated with one vote each. This brings the number of members represented down to 40,000. Several other organizations that had delegates present, existed mainly on paper; so it is safe to say that 40,000 is a good estimate of the number of workers represented in the first convention. The foregoing figures will show that the precautions adopted by the signers of the Manifesto were all that prevented the opponents of the industrial union movement from capturing the convention and blocking any effort to start the organization. It is a fact that many of those who were present as delegates on the floor of the first convention and the organizations that they represented have bitterly fought the I. W. W. from the close of the first convention up to the present day. The organizations that installed as a part of the new organization were: Western Federation of Miners, 27,000 members; Socialist Trade and Labor Alliance, 1,450 members; Punch Press Operators, 168 members; United Metal Workers*, 3,000 members; Longshoremen's Union, 400 members; the American Labor Union* 16,500 members; United Brotherhood of Railway Employes, 2,087 members. The convention lasted twelve days; adopted a constitution with the following preamble, and elected officers: ORIGINAL I. W. W. PREAMBLE "The working class and the employing class have nothing in common. There can be no peace so long as hunger and want are found among millions of working people and the few, who make up the employing class, have all the good things of life. "Between these two classes a struggle must go on until all the toilers come together on the political, as well as on the industrial field, and take and hold that which they produce by their labor through an economic organization of the working class, without affiliation with any political party. "The rapid gathering of wealth and the centering of the management of industries into fewer and fewer hands make the trade unions unable to cope with the ever-growing power of the employing class, because the trades unions foster a state of things which allows one set of workers to be pitted against another set of workers in the same industry, thereby helping defeat one another in wage wars. The trades unions aid the employing class to mislead the workers into the belief that the working class have interests in common with their employers. 'These sad conditions can be changed and the in * Existed almost wholly on paper. |