more years of legal practice, during which he demonstrated that he had acquainted himself with the most complex principles of law, and the career which had opened so inconspicuously and continued so brilliantly was ended. He successively declined a seat in the United States Senate, the position of Secretary of State, the office of Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of the United States, an embassy to France, and a sixth election to the governorship of Virginia. An appeal from Washington, however, to appear once more in the Virginia legislature was heeded. He was at once elected, but died on June 6, 1799, without even taking his seat. Moved in the House of Burgesses the “Virginia Resolves,” which denied the right of Great Britain to tax Virginia, May 29, 1765 A member of the first Virginia revolutionary convention, August, 1774 September, 1774 A member of the First Continental Congress arming of the colony March 23, 1775 A member of the Second Continental Congress May to August, 1775 Commander-in-chief of Virginia troops, August 5, 1775-February 28, 1776 A member of the third Virginia revolutionary convention, that framed the Virginia constitution Governor of Virginia May and June, 1776 June 29, 1776-June 2, 1779 A member of the Virginia Legislature May, 1780-November, 1784 1 Dates are from Prof. M. C. Tyler's Patrick Henry. SPEECH OF MARCH 23, 1775. DELIVERED IN THE SECOND VIRGINIA CONVENTION IN SUPPORT OF RESOLUTIONS REQUIRING THAT THE COLONY BE PLACED IN A STATE OF DEFENCE. DESCRIPTIVE INTRODUCTION. WHEN the second revolutionary convention of Virginia assembled at Richmond, the 20th of March, 1775, it was evident that, unless Great Britain took immediate steps to conciliate the American colonies, war was inevitable. A number of the colonies had already taken steps toward raising troops. Some of the counties in Virginia had done this also, but as yet Virginia had taken no general action. In fact, the public men were not ready to admit that the chance for reconciliation had entirely passed. Three days after the meeting of the convention Patrick Henry offered three resolutions calling for the establishment of a militia and for the appointment of a committee to put the colony in a state of defence. During the debate which occurred on these resolutions he made the speech which follows. This speech was the definite announcement that the time for conference had passed, and war had actually begun. As a specimen of oratory it was recognized at once as remarkable. There has come down a very interesting account of the speech, related by an eye-witness. The narrator says of the orator: 66 Voice, countenance, and gestures gave an irresistible · force to his words, which no description could make intelligible to one who had never seen him nor heard him speak. You remember, sir, the conclusion of the speech, so often declaimed in various ways by schoolboys: 'Is life so dear, or peace so sweet, as to be purchased at the price of chains and slavery? Forbid it, Almighty God! I know not what course others may take, but as for me, give me liberty, or give me death!' He gave each of these words a meaning which is not conveyed by the reading or delivery of them in the ordinary way. When he said, 'Is life so dear, or peace so sweet, as to be purchased at the price of chains and slavery?' he stood in the attitude of a condemned galley slave, loaded with fetters, awaiting his doom. His form was bowed; his wrists were crossed, his manacles were almost visible as he stood like an embodiment of helplessness and agony. After a solemn pause, he raised his eyes and chained hands towards heaven, and prayed, in words and tones which thrilled every heart, Forbid it, Almighty God!' He then turned toward the timid loyalists of the house, who were quaking with terror at the idea of the consequences of participating in proceedings which would be visited with the penalties of treason by the British crown; and he slowly bent his form yet nearer to the earth, and said, 'I know not what course others may take,' and he accompanied the words with his hands still crossed, while he seemed to be weighed down with additional chains. The man appeared transformed into an oppressed, heart-broken, and hopeless felon. After remaining in this posture of humiliation long enough to impress the imagination with the condition of the colony under the iron heel of military despotism, he arose proudly, and exclaimed, but as for me,' and the words hissed through his clenched teeth, while his body was thrown back, and every muscle and tendon was strained against the fetters which bound him, and, with his countenance distorted by agony and rage, he looked for a moment like Laocoön in a death struggle with coiling serpents; then the loud, clear, triumphant notes, 'give me liberty,' electrified the assembly. It was not a prayer, but a stern demand, which would submit to no refusal or delay. Each syllable of the word 'liberty' echoed through the building, his fetters were shivered; his arms were hurled apart; and the links of his chains were scattered to the winds. When he spoke the word 'liberty' with an emphasis never given it before, his hands were open, and his arms elevated and extended; his countenance was radiant; he stood erect and defiant; while the sound of his voice and the sublimity of his attitude made him appear a magnificent incarnation of Freedom, and expressed all that can be acquired or enjoyed by nations and individuals invincible and free. After a momentary pause, only long enough to permit the echo of the word 'liberty' to cease, he let his left hand fall powerless to his side, and clenched his right hand firmly, as if holding a dagger with the point aimed at his breast. He stood like a Roman senator defying Cæsar, while the unconquerable spirit of Cato of Utica flashed from every feature; and he closed the grand appeal with the solemn words, or give me death!' which sounded with the awful cadence of a hero's dirge, fearless of death, and victorious in death; and he suited the action to the word by a blow upon the left breast with the right hand, which seemed to drive the dagger to the patriot's heart." The immediate results of this speech were that in spite of strong opposition the resolutions were carried and a committee of which Henry himself was chairman was appointed to put the colony in a state of defence. The version of the speech here used is taken from Wirt's Life of Patrick Henry, and was gathered originally from the recollections of the hearers. MR. PRESIDENT: It is natural to man to indulge in the illusions of hope. We are apt to shut our eyes against a painful truth and listen to the song of that siren, till she transforms us into beasts. Is this the part of wise men, engaged in a great and arduous struggle for liberty? Are we disposed to be of the number of those who having eyes, see not, and having ears, hear not, the things which so nearly concern their temporal salvation? For my part, whatever anguish of spirit it may cost, I am willing to know the whole truth; to know the worst, and to provide for it. Suffer not your- I have but one lamp by which my feet are guided ; and that is the lamp of experience. I know of no way of judging of the future but by the past. And judging by the past, I wish to know what there has been in the conduct of the British ministry for the last ten years, to justify those hopes with which gentlemen have been pleased to solace themselves and the house? Is it that insidious smile with which our petition has been lately received? Trust it not, sir; it will prove a snare to your feet. selves to be betrayed with a kiss. how this gracious reception of our petition comports with those warlike preparations which cover our waters and darken our land. Are fleets and armies necessary to a work of love and reconciliation? Have we shown ourselves so unwilling to be reconciled that force must be called in to win back our love? Let us not deceive ourselves, sir. These are the implements of war and subjugation, the last arguments to which kings resort. I ask gentlemen, sir, what means this martial array, if its purpose be not to force us to submission? Can gentlemen assign any other possible motive for it? Has Great Britain any enemy in this quarter of the world, to call for all this accumulation of navies and armies? No, sir, she has none. They are meant for us they can be meant for no other. They are sent over to bind and rivet upon us those chains which the British ministry have been so long forging. And |