there shall be not only matrons at the police stations, but at the jails; and that girls and women in prisons and reformatories shall be placed in charge of those of their own sex. There are always enough men trying to get on the police force to make it improbable that there will be any demand for women to serve, and women can continue in the future, as in the past, to contribute their share of the taxes out of which the salaries of the police force are paid. The Girl's Reformatory and Woman's Prison of Indiana is wholly under the management of women, and it is said to be one of the most perfectly conducted in the world. In the few instances where women have been placed on the boards of State and municipal institutions the latter always have been benefited. Why is there not a representation of women on the boards of all State institutions, for the insane, the blind, the deaf-mutes, the feeble-minded, the orphans, the criminal? Do not children and the afflicted, above all others, need the attention and sympathy of women? Women have petitioned again and again to serve on these boards, and have been refused. They are just as much interested as men in these institutions; their taxes help support them; why must women petition men for a representation in their supervision and management?

In our large cities the ordinances relating to reform and morality are practically a dead letter. A new administration goes into power under the most solemn promises to enforce existing laws. A few spasmodic efforts are made and then the city government drops down to the dead level of its predecessor. The saloons openly defy the law; gambling flourishes practically unrestrained; houses of evil character are not questioned as to their business. Then the people wax indignant with righteous wrath and demand REFORM, in large capitals. The political managers of both parties hold long and anxious consultations. Where can they find candidates who will represent at the same time reform and a constituency? Nobody thinks that this demand for reform represents the majority of the votes, but there

is just enough of a respectable sentiment to make it dangerous to ignore it. This man can not get the saloon vote, and that one can not get the foreign vote. Naturally it is not so much of a question what he will do after he is elected as whether he can be elected. As a result the conscientious voter finds himself with very little choice among candidates. After the election the official is continually intimidated by the threat that he will injure his party if he attempt any measure of reform.

And thus it goes, and thus it will continue to go until the character of the constituency is changed. So long as officials are dependent upon a constituency of the ignorant, the degraded, the demoralized, the unprincipled, while the representation of sobriety, intelligence, and integrity remains a minority, just so long shall we have corruption, and inefficiency, and cowardice in official life. Changing the politics of an administration will not materially change results. Nothing could be more absurd than the cry that popular government is not a success. Let us first try it before we pronounce it a failure. Only one-half of the people have any voice in the management of affairs. The better half, the half that stands for the church, the sanctity of the marriage tie, the purity of the home, the correct rearing of the children, the promotion of temperance, the preservation of virtue, the condemnation of vice- this half has been entirely shut out from any participation in municipal government. And yet this class possesses in high degree the qualities which are most needed and most conspicuously lacking.

If men had made a grand success of their work in municipal government, women might not be so persistent in pressing their claims to a representation; but men have made a conspicuous and self-confessed failure. From every city in the country comes the same cry of distress, "corruption, inefficiency, and cowardice on the part of officials, and no hope of anything better." There is hope, there is relief, if the debt-burdened and badly governed cities

will accept it. No general would give up a battle with a great force in reserve, only waiting the call to move forward. The women of the country are this reserve corps. They are vitally interested in every question that relates to the municipality; they are intelligent, patriotic, well-informed, and capable; they have executive ability, they are economical, they are resolute in enforcing what is right; they are exacting in demanding the fulfillment of pledges. Bring the candidates for municipal office up to the requirements of a constituency of women. Make the officials answerable to a constituency of women. If men can not be found who will be equal to these demands, then take the city officials from the able and trustworthy women of the community. But there are many men of business ability, unimpeachable honesty, and high moral courage who would be willing to serve their municipality, if the offices could be separated from the influences of corrupt politics and politicians. There are many such men who would gladly take an interest in municipal politics, and the welfare of the city, if they were not in a helpless minority. Reenforce these men with a constituency of women, who will assist and sustain them; recognize the rights of women as citizens; bring in the best element to counteract the influence of the worst; and then, and then only, shall we be able to judge of the merits of a government by the people.

ONE PHASE OF WOMAN'S WORK FOR THE MUNICIPALITY ADDRESS BY LILLIAN DAVIS DUNCANSON OF ILLINOIS.

A woman's home is, or should be, her first consideration, and she should let no opportunity escape her to further the interests of that home. A home under the influence of a good and wise woman who is well informed in municipal affairs is the very basis of a better city government. A woman not only influences the minds of the young but in a great measure directs their future lives. How necessary

then is it that women should be cognizant of municipal affairs for the education of the future administrators!

It has been demonstrated in some of our wisest municipalities that causing women to interest themselves in this matter has brought to the minds of the people questions of vital importance heretofore unnoticed. Why? Because the keen eye and the quick perception belonging to woman have been applied to the matter of government, with the cooler qualities of man used heretofore alone in city affairs.

The judicious administration of a city government affects more the home and its inmates, the women and children, than the man in his business. Good municipal government means good sanitary conditions and a healthful moral atmosphere. Is it not a part of woman's work to see that the surroundings for her home and children are the very best? Will casting a vote at the polls alone secure these conditions? The personal interest and energy of each woman in a municipality is needed to secure these better conditions for the present and future generations.

The long-talked-of emancipation of woman will not come through voting alone, but must of necessity come through broadening the minds of women and interesting them in their home governments. Those of you who are visiting Chicago should organize in your own cities societies or leagues for the purpose of bringing this subject to the minds of your women. Tell your women of the importance of this question, and of the necessity for a thorough course of study; aid the men by giving them the valuable suggestions of thinking women, and all intelligent men will honor women for their activity and help.

To the women of Chicago let me say, keep on with the good work; you have the support of the Chicago men and the hearty indorsement of the Chicago press. I make this appeal to the younger women, who seem to think that time is long and their interest not yet needed. It is the younger women, however, who must carry on the work so well begun by the pioneers. Then go on with the work.

The education of the masses is the foundation of municipal reform, and municipal reform the Mecca of our hopes.

WOMAN'S PARTICIPATION IN MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENTADDRESS BY LAURA M. JOHNS of Kansas.

The old State House in the city of Boston has been converted into a storehouse for articles of historic value. On the wall of what was once the House of Representatives hangs the best evidence of what was the early idea of the proper education for women; not only the idea, but the idea. put into practice. This piece of evidence represents a diploma of a girl of that time. You know the public schools in the United States were not open at first to girls. Think of it! Public schools which excluded girls! That was in the time when men made the laws for all, without the interference of meddling women. However, there was one of those meddling women - one of those remote agitators-who made the almost suicidal attempt to investigate the injustice of refusing the future mothers and daughters opportunities for education. She went to the school authorities, and there she made an appeal for the admission of girls to the public schools. The reply made was this: "What, shall our good tax money be used to school shes?"

The education of girls at that time was very slight indeed. I think we should not call it education now, but simply lack of education. They had diplomas, made not of "sheepskin," but of canvas, inscribed by the hand of the fair graduate. They did not call them diplomas; they called them "samplers." You may have seen a sampler done by your grandmother or great-grandmother. It is a piece of canvas about twelve inches square, and at the top the alphabet is worked out in infinitesimal stitches, and if the young woman's education was very elaborate she added it in Roman characters. This canvas was put under glass and