framed, and hung on the wall, the pride and admiration of the family. The sampler that I saw was worked by the daughter of a colonial family. She was rather more ambitious than the ordinary girl, and she had undertaken to represent the scene of the Garden of Eden. The tree of the knowledge of good and evil arose exactly in the center and stood exactly straight. The main branches were exactly at right angles. The little twigs hung exactly at right angles, and on these hung pumpkin-sized apples that filled me with terror for the life of Eve, who reclined luxuriously on parisgreen grass, the blades of which stood up straight, but at very irregular intervals. Eve was fearfully “made up.” Her hair was arranged with most elaborate pains, and fastened with a comb. It was very plain that Eve never had attended a woman's congress, or been in a dress-reform meeting, because in the outline of her figure no provision was made for the proper functions of her heart, her stomach, her liver, and her lungs. I feel certain that there was no legislation against crinoline, because she had gone to the full extent of hoop-skirts; and Adam stood at the side of the tree of knowledge of good and evil resplendent in colored waistcoat and knee-breeches and buttoned shoes. As far as this wonderful work is from historical accuracy, and from truly artistic ideals, so far are the opponents of women's advancement from comprehending the true meaning and intent of this movement. They charge us with usurpation of men's prerogatives, with repudiation, and with nullification. By our participation in the municipal government of Kansas we have shown that we are not nullifiers, but that those who would deprive us of suffrage are nullifiers of the decrees of the Almighty. The Almighty has decreed that each human being shall be responsible for himself. They charge us with repudiation because we are mothers; because we are home-makers and home-keepers, because we have special duties; this is to say that we are repudiators because we would make youth safe, because we would make the city streets clean, and because we would make the girls safe. We have repudiated no special duty of women; we believe in those duties, and we urge the further extension of them to women. They say we are usurpers of their prerogatives. To me it is very silly that women and men should talk about women being usurpers of the prerogatives of man. The right has been ours as long as we have lived in this country; as long as we have brought up children; as long as we have paid our taxes. I say this right has been ours, and that we have been deprived of the exercise thereof; and now we are demanding that we shall be permitted to exercise all the rights which are ours. But these people say we are too conservative to make useful voters; our work shows that we are not too conservative to be useful as voters. Our conservatism is not of the sort to shrink from duty and right. Whenever a measure requires courage we have not been found wanting. A Congressman said to me not long ago that we have not a clearly defined idea of what we would do with the ballot. I said, "I wish you might visit us and satisfy yourself of the worth of the women voters in the State of Kansas, and you would see that they have very clearly defined ideas, and have carried those ideas through and brought their work to a success. The men say we are the despair of the parties. We often do work at cross-purposes with them, and we arouse antagonism against our sex, but we usually gain our point in securing the sort of government we desire. You ask why the women of Kansas have voted so largely with the Republican party? I answer, for several strong reasons; one of these is gratitude of the women of the State of Kansas to the party which extended to them the municipal suffrage. Here is a lesson for all parties, especially in those States in which woman suffrage bills are now pending. We have now come to the time of urging the submission of a constitutional amendment which provides for the full enfranchisement of the women of the State of Kansas. It is apparent to all those who stand in the suffrage watchtower that the conditions are peculiarly favorable for the adoption of this amendment. We are hopeful that within eighteen months we shall have full citizenship and exercise all the powers of citizens in the State of Kansas, and we entreat all friends of this nation to bear these things in mind. Consider our situation, remember our needs, and come to our aid. While the conditions are peculiarly favorable, the difficulties are tremendous. The work will be gigantic. We are preparing for the most vigorous woman suffrage campaign that has ever been conducted in this nation. To do this we must have money. All our work will be gratuitous, but we ask that you shall help us financially and send us workers, and let each State take upon itself the burden of sending to us a speaker, for we shall organize in every school district, and every little village, and every town. We do not propose to leave a foot of the great State unworked. It is a great State, the State of Kansas. It is four hundred miles long, two hundred miles wide, a thousand miles deep, and as high as the sky. There are many people who are coming there who must be converted. There is a constant immigration, and we can not leave a single thing undone. These people are constantly coming in, and they must be met. We must teach them what the full citizenship of women means. We must answer all their opposing arguments, and at last lead them triumphantly to the ballot-box to vote for the amendment which shall make us politically free. DR. SARAH C. HALL OF KANSAS DISCUSSED THE PRECEDING PAPER AS FOLLOWS: "We Kansas women were partially enfranchised in the winter of 1887, and in April came our spring election. In our State, as in others, the election is preceded by caucuses or primaries. The women were curious to know what share they would have in the primaries. About one-half |