particularly foolish opinion of young mechanics is widely shared by the employing class can be demonstrated easily. It is only necessary to remind you of the number of Chicago night schools for instruction in stenography, in typewriting, telegraphy, bookkeeping, and all similar occupations, fitting girls for office work, and the meager number provided for acquiring skill in household work.

The contrast is further accentuated by the better social position of the office girl, and the advantages which she shares with factory girls, of lunch clubs, social clubs, and vacation homes, from which girls performing household labor are practically excluded by their hours of work, their geographical situation, and a curious feeling that they are not as interesting as factory girls.

CHAPTER XI.-THE SOLIDARITY OF HUMAN

INTERESTS.

ILLUSTRATED BY THE PROGRESS OF WOMEN IN SPAIN, IN THE SOUTH AMERICAN STATES, IN ENGLAND AND HER DEPENDENCIES, IN POLAND, ITALY, SIAM, ICELAND, AND SYRIA, AND BY THE PROGRESS OF WOMEN OF AFRICAN DESCENT IN THE UNITED STATES.

PREFATORY COMMENT BY THE EDITOR-COPIOUS EXTRACTS FROM Addresses DELIVERED IN THE GENERAL CONGRESS BY ISABELLE BOGELOT, CALLIRRHŎE PARREN, CATALINA DE ALCALA, MATILDE G. DE MIRO QUESADA, MARTHA SESSELBERG, ISABEL KING, HELEN BLACKBURN, C. C. MONTEFIORE, MARY MCDONELL, A. M. BLAKELY, PROF. HELEN WEBSTER, FANNIE BARRIER WILLIAMS, SARAH J. EARLY, NICO BECK-MEYER, REV. AMANDA DEYO, MAY FRENCH--SHELDON, AND HELENA MODJESKA; VERY BRIEF EXTRACTS FROM DISCUSSIONS of these Addresses by Mrs. JOHN HARVIE, EMILY CUMMINGS, KIRSTINE FREDERIKSEN, ANNA J. COOPER, FANNIE JACKSON COPPIN, HALLIE Q. BROWN, AND LIZZIE KIRKPATRICK — ABSTRACTS OF ADDRESSES PREPARED FOR THE GENERAL CONGRESS BY FANNY ZAMPINI-SALAZAR, SOFIA BOMPIANI, LADY LINCHEE SURIYA, SIGRIDR MAGNUSSON, AND HANNA K. KORANY.

IN

N this chapter the reader will meet witnesses convened from all civilized parts of the earth, unconsciously testifying to the proposition contained in the title of the first address.

This chapter proves that the woman question is no longer an Americanism; that it is no longer a local question at all; that it can not be regarded as the curious culminating expression of the insane passion for independence characteristic of the Anglo-Saxon race.

Here we find the representatives of that race whose women are most addicted to coquetry, and of that whose men most keenly feel that their personal dignity is con

ditioned upon the absolute dependence and seclusion of the women of their families, uttering opinions and sentiments familiar only to those Americans who frequent conventions and public assemblies. Here we find Afro-Americans, but one generation from personal bondage, demanding the same freedom of thought and action that is innate in the Saxon.

Stranger still, an Afro-American* who was herself a slave discusses with temperance and without bitterness the social, intellectual, and industrial status of her race.

The representatives of every nationality claim the free exercise of personal judgment; they demand that the whole contention regarding the propriety of a woman's doing this or that work shall be determined by her ability. They demand equal pay for equal work. They demand for both sexes the same moral standard. They demand the highest development of the individual, not only as in itself a noble end, but as a means to the highest development of the race and the highest happiness of society.

They all see not only the reciprocal dependence of men and women, but also the reciprocal dependence of all classes of women, and of all women in any class; and, therefore, they all recommend organized effort as the surest, the most direct, the most cultivating means to the highest ends. In this chapter greater significance lies between the lines than upon them, and it is commended to those "who have eyes to see." [THE EDITOR.]

* Fannie Jackson Coppin was born a slave, and remained in that state until she was thirteen years old, when an aunt, who had already purchased her own freedom, bought the young girl for one hundred and seventy-five dollars. Fannie graduated from Oberlin College in the classical course (what was then called the "gentlemen's course") in 1865, taking the A. B. degree. She is now entitled to the A. M. degree.

THE SOLIDARITY OF HUMAN INTERESTS ADDRESS BY ISABELLE BOGelot of Paris, FRANCE, RepresentativE OF THE UVre des Libérées de St. LazARE, AND TREASURER OF THE INTERNATIONAL COUNCIL OF WOMEN.

When the mail from America on the 27th of last January brought me an invitation to speak in the name of my countrywomen on the subject "Solidarité des Intérêts de l'Humanité," I felt a deep sense of gratitude to the friends in America who thus expressed their confidence and great sympathy by inviting me to speak on a subject so grand.

But with the rapidity of lightning I became conscious of my inability to treat a subject so vast, so important. I had in my memory the magnificent meetings held in Washington in 1888. I felt afraid, but nevertheless I accepted the task which was offered me.

Why did I feel a boldness that did not shrink before so heavy a responsibility — why, if I also felt fear?

The reason for that assurance came entirely from the very title of the subject. The word solidarité enlightened me at once and showed me precisely the way on which I was to proceed. "My friends of France," said I, "will work with me; they will help me. We shall make a collective work, to which each of us shall bring her own personal effort. I shall give my practical experience about the works in which I labor. They, my friends, detained by other duties in their homes, will intrust to me the papers which they prepare for the different sections of the congress to which they promise their coöperation. I shall represent them I shall be their delegate.'

The moment I looked upon the work thus as collective, my fears disappeared, a great peace came over me, and I was quite happy to feel that my response was crossing the ocean which should say to you, "I accept, count upon me, in May I shall be with you at my post."

To-day I ask your indulgence for the weakness of the

work which I have the great honor to read to you.

Count

upon my love of justice and my good intentions; they are all that I personally can offer you.

I

Five years ago, when I had the good inspiration to come to you, I was chosen by the Euvre des Libérées de St. Lazare, a work not of science but of pity and justice; and it was to speak of the prisoners whose most unfortunate condition would be ameliorated could all our claims be secured. came to tell you simply, "We are with you. Let us continue to struggle for the enfranchisement of women. see misery most horrible and oftentimes undeserved in the prisons. It is the effect of a social state that must be modified. The women prisoners are very often the result of the prejudice and injustice which are crushing our sex." At that time I was the only Frenchwoman among you. None of those who had struggled to obtain the reforms awaited and desired with so much impatience accompanied me. Why this chance which had assigned to me a part for which I was so little prepared? Was it chance? No, I do not think so. Every effect has a cause and comes in its own good time. The work of prison reform, which generally meets with so little sympathy, but nevertheless is of such importance, since it studies the human heart, ought to receive some honor after having been despised for so long a time. The work brings to light moral suffering in its full extent; it probes all wounds; it is a field of experience where all thinkers can come to study the necessary reforms which we are advocating in this Congress. The work of prison reform is bound to all other social questions. It makes an appeal to all the sentiments; it personifies the spirit of solidarity. This is why this work of the Libérées de St. Lazare, which appeared so modest, but which we found so great by reason of the object which it pursues, came to America to speak in the name of pity, of justice, and of solidarity. It was guided toward you by that same justice which assigns to each the place which he is to Occupy.