Portraits: Mitchell, Robert, 62, 168. New, John C., 651. Noble, John W., 395. Quay, Matthew S., 650. Reid, Whitelaw, 270, 647. Rhodes, Cecil, 310. Richardson, Dr. B. W., Rosebery, Lord, 283. Rusk, Jeremiah H., 399. Sandhurst, Lady, 150. Schubin, Ossip, 737. 598. Schurman, Jacob G., 536. Scott, Benjamin, 146. Severine, Madame, 735. Sims, Gardiner C., 322. Smith, Charles Emory, 565. Smith, Roswell, 538. Spurgeon, Rev. C. H., 134, 171, 176. Stead, William T., 262. Steinway, William, 294. Swan, Howard, 701. Sybel, Heinrich vom, 208. Tarlino, Tom, 554. Tennyson, Alfred, 265. Tesla, Nikola, 322. Tewfik Pasha, 13, 202. Thomson, Elihu, 321. Tolstoï, Tatiana, 41. Vanderbilt, George W., 425. Vaughan, Archbishop, 528, 596. Vivian, Lord, 150. Wales, Prince George of, 145. Walker, John Brisben, 607. Wallot, Paul, 582. Wanamaker, John, 138. Ward, Mrs. Humphry, 115, 48i. Weaver, James B., 392. Webb, Sidney, 305. Whistler, James McNeil, 498. Whitman, Walt, 11. Wilson, John, 400. Wiman, Erastus, 293. Winchell, Alexander, 456. Wolcott, E. O., 649. Wolseley, Lord, 715. Woodhull, John F., 426. Yonge, Charlotte M., 373. vii Presidency, The: The Second Term Question, 136, 650, 711. Preussische Jahrbücher, The, and its Editor, 357. Progress or the World, 1, 135, 263, 391, 519, 647. Property, An Irreducible Minimum of, 476. QUARTERLY REVIEW reviewed, 230, 615. RAILWAYS: The Hungarian "Zone-Tariff" System, 562. Ranke, Leopold von, at Work, 85. Record of Current Events, 12, 151, 279, 408, 537, 666. Reid, Whitelaw, as Minister to France, 270, 523; Nominee for Vice-President, 647. Religious Instruction in Prussian Schools, 150, 273, 336, 656. Residences, Suburban: The Beaconsfield Terraces, 91. Roads, The Improvement of, 255; Country Road Building, 475. Rubinstein and His Ideas, 349. Rural Districts, Depopulation of, 217. Russia: The Russian Famine, 1, 571. Help for the Russian Starvelings, 37, 150, 266, 564, 691. Persecution of the Stundists, 86. Affairs in Russia, 8. Minister Durnovo (with portrait), 206. Peter the Great as Peter the Little, 207. A German Tribute to Russia, 464. The Famine Will Strengthen Nihilism, 475. Russia's Conflict with Hunger, 691. SALVATION ARMY Projects, 10; Money Wanted for the Farm Colony, 658. School and College reviewed, 238. Scott, Benjamin, Chamberlain of London (with portrait), 146. Scribner's Magazine reviewed, 105, 236, 366, 492, 617, 750. Seal, Extermination of the, 743. Shakespeare, Home and Haunts of, 567. Shipping: American Registers for Foreign Ships, 524. Socialism: The Artist's, 87; English Tendency to, 397. Social Movement in London, The, 467. Society, American, Duke of Marlborough on, 82; New York Society, 97, 741. Southern States: What the South Fought for, 71. The New South, 218. Industrial Progress of the South, 332. Henry Watterson on the Confederacy, 592. Spencerian, An Enthusiastic, 601. Spurgeon, Charles Haddon: The Nonconformist, 144; Character Sketch, 169; Other Sketches, 349; Mr. Spur geon and His Church, 597 Portraits, 134, 171, 176. Storms and Cyclones, A New Theory of, 483. Stundists, Persecution of the, 86. Sugar in the United States, Production of, 325. Sybel, Heinrich von (with portrait), 208. TAMMANY Democracy, The, 201. How to Attack the Tariff, 195. Tariff Policy of Germany, 721. Taxation of Street Companies, 594. Technical Instruction in London, 605. Telegraph, The, and the Postal Service, 323. Telephone Industry, Future of the, 324; The Telephone in England, 324. Temperance: A Defence of Moderate Drinking, 732. Tenements, Life in, 726. Tennyson's" The Foresters" in New York, 265. Theatre of To-day, The, 478. Theological Education, Dr. Briggs on, 75. Theology, A Hopeful View of, 594. Thomson, Archbishop of York, 597. Tolstoï, Count Leo, and the Russian Famine, 39; A Visit to, 739; portrait of, 40. Tolstoï and Ibsen, M. de Vogüe on, 342. Torpedoes in Coast Defense, 472. Transit, Rapid, and the Census, 474. Transit, Rapid, in Cities, 594, 726. INDEX TO VOLUME V. Tricoupis, M., and Danubian Statesmen (with portrait), 531. Trusts: The Coal Combine, 526. UNITED STATES, Internal Progress of the, 394. Universities : Statistics of the World's Universities, 215. Presidential Changes at Cornell, 535. The Policy of the Stanford University, 729. University Extension, Doubts About, 330. University Extension reviewed, 239. VAUGHAN, Archbishop, of Westminster, 529, 596; portraits, 528, 596. WANAMAKER, Postmaster-General, 137; portrait, 138. Feeding the Nation in Time of War, 78. Ward, Mrs. Humphry: "History of David Grieve," 114; THE REVIEW OF REVIEWS. VOL. V. NEW YORK, FEBRUARY, 1892. No. 25. THE PROGRESS OF THE WORLD. The three traditional scourges of the race Famine, Pestilence, are Famine, Pestilence, and War. Perand War. haps the best proof of the solid value of our modern civilization is to be found in the gradual emancipation of the race from these destructive enemies. At almost no other time in history has there been such widespread freedom from all three as in the past decade. While the world's population has grown in our century as never before, the means and results of food production have developed at a far higher rate, and new transportation methods have made it comparatively easy to supply the deficits of one district with the surplus food of another. And thus Famine tends to disappear. As for Pestilence, recent hygienic congresses have sufficiently summed up the amazing conquests that modern sanitary science has made in suppressing epidemics and in well-nigh exterminating some of the forms of infection that have been most fatal in the past. Wars have not ceased from the earth, but peace is henceforth the rule, and war becomes the exception that must grow rarer from decade to decade. But this year 1892 brings us face to face Russia's with the most terrible famine of modern Scourge. times a situation that gives us a glimpse of what men suffered in other centuries. The distress in Russia, to all right-hearted men and women who have discerning minds, overshadows in grave importance every other topic of the time. England has, through all her organs of opinion and utterance, professed to be in convulsions of inconsolable grief because of the death of a young duke who was heir to the heir of Queen Victoria. One of the great London dailies in its leading editorial on the death of the Duke of Clarence and Avondale said: "We have to record a tragedy as terrible as any that imagination has ever conceived." And yet this poor young duke during his lifetime was held in so slight respect and esteem that it had been commonly doubted in England whether the kingdom would ever permit him to come to the throne. When one remembers that millions of men, women, and children are literally dying of starvation in Russia, and that English relief contributions as yet amount to nothing worth mentioning, it seems hard and cruel that vast sums of money should by official order have been squandered all over the kingdom in perfunctory mourning displays on account of the death of one young man who had rendered no public ser vice, and who was but one in a very numerous progeny of equally promising descendants of Queen Victoria. So at least it would appear from the point of view of republican America. If other lands can shut their eyes to the The Grippe terrible facts of the Russian famine, they Everywhere. are at least not privileged to ignore a baffling and fearful malady that is said to hail from the Czar's dominions. The grippe is epidemic almost everywhere, and strong men as well as the aged and sickly are succumbing to it. Never in a long time has any other form of disease slain so many notabilities. Perforce, the grippe is the most parvasive and disturbing influence of the season, marring all plans, interrupting public and private business, and bringing bereavement into every circle. And as Pestilence always follows Famine, we are warned that from the hunger-stricken plains of Russia this disease in more malignant forms, and other pragues, perhaps, will stalk forth within a year to ravage all nations. There is roo,n for gloomy forebodings; but meanwhile the call is for action. Elsewhere we publish articles showing what the American millers are doing to help the Russian starvelings, how the Tolstoï family are serving nobly in the death-smitten provinces, and how Madame Novikoff and others in London are endeavoring to make some impression upon British apathy. The House at Washington has not acted fittingly in its refusal to give assent to the Senate bill which provided for a ship at public expense to carry the cargo of flour to Russia. There should be a reopening of the question, with a different result. political strength is not confined to New York; but in the South and Southwest he has powerful support, and he would seem to be the most formidable of candidates for the Democratic nomination to the presidency. He is, in America, the man of the month. He has entered the United States Senate with éclat and without any apparent weakening of his hold upon affairs at Albany. The country at large will find the contrasting sketches of Mr. Hill which we present in this number of THE REVIEW OF REVIEWS a very noteworthy foretaste of much disputation that will inevitably rage about his name in the months to come. Meanwhile, Mr. Cleveland is resting and recreating in Louisiana with Joseph Jefferson; but his political friends are not neglecting his candidacy for the presidency. There promises to be a memorable struggle for the mastery of the Democratic convention between these two leaders whom the peculiar exigencies of New York State politics have brought into the highest prominence. Possible Candidates. In the Republican camp there is no new light breaking upon the question of the presidential ticket. It is everywhere conceded that Mr. Blaine can be nominated if he wills it. Further, it is quite commonly believed that Mr. Harrison may be easily renominated if Mr. Blaine's influence should be brought to bear in favor of that solution at Minneapolis next June. There is plenty of possibility that both parties may compromise upon new candidates. Each has a number of men any one of whom would be worthy standard-bearers. It has been suggested that the World's Fair State might supply both parties, in the persons of its two Senators. Both, like Lincoln, were born in Kentucky; and both, like Lincoln, removed in boyhood to SENATOR CULLOM (REPUBLICAN), OF ILLINOIS. (From photograph by C. M. Bell, Washington, D.C.) Mr. Hill. It will be a year of political excitement Politics and throughout the English-speaking world. The general parliamentary election in Great Britain will probably coincide very closely with the date of the presidential and congressional elections in this country. The question of presidential candidates has begun to assume an acute form. In the domain of personal politics the significant event has been the recognition by the country at large of the extraordinary ascendancy that Mr. Hill has gained. It is now universally admitted that he is in complete control of the New York Democracy. The achievement of securing the State Senate for his party through technicalities which, whether in keeping with the provisions of the ballot law or otherwise, defeated the intention of a majority of the voters, is credited to Mr. Hill's personal influence and bold, unflinching tactics. Mr. Hill's SENATOR PALMER (DEMOCRAT), OF ILLINOIS. Illinois. They were Lincoln's townsmen at Springfield, his associates at the Bar, and his personal and political friends and supporters. Senator Palmer has been a Democrat since 1872. He and Senator Cullom have each served two terms as Governor of Illinois. They are typical Mississippi Valley Americans-statesmanlike, broad-minded, of high character and of unblemished repute. But both are growing rather old for the excitements of presidential campaigning. Senator Palmer is about seventyfour and Senator Cullom is sixty-two. Apart from any mention of them as presidential possibilities, they are highly creditable representatives of their great commonwealth in the United States Senate. Meanwhile, Illinois has another Democratic "dark horse" in the person of Mr. Springer, who may under certain circumstances appear as Mr. Cleveland's residuary legatee. A few weeks ago the diplomatic fogs The Chilian seemed to be clearing away. The BehrTrouble. ing Sea dispute was to be arbitrated at once, and the Chilian embroilment was thought to be approaching an amicable settlement. But since the opening of the new year, we are sorry to write, it has transpired that Lord Salisbury is delaying arbitration in unexpected ways for unexplained reasons; and the Chilian situation through January was steadily growing more strained. The "truth about Chili" is painfully hard to get at, but it begins to grow clear that the semi-defiant attitude and tone of the Santiago Government has been due to its own weakness at home, and to the very real danger that an apology to the United States would be so unpopular as to result in a revolution. For it must not be supposed that the new régime is too strong to be overthrown in the capricious South American fashion. From evidence that our naval judge-advocate-general has accumulated by examining the officers and men of the Baltimore, at San Francisco, the conviction deepens that the attack upon our sailors was an incident of international gravity. Unquestionably if the Baltimore had been a British, a German, a French, or an Italian ship the Chilian Government would months ago have been compelled to choose summarily between an abject apology, with promise of compensation, and a lively bombardment of Valparaiso. While this is too obvious to be discussed, it does not follow by any means that the United States should imitate these other nations. We shall be justified in suspending diplomatic relations with Chili if she does not soon mend her conduct; but we shall not, from our own point of view, be justified in making war upon her. War would only render a bad matter worse. It would add nothing to our credit or prestige. If Chili has been ill-advised and has conceived an unreasonable dislike for the United States, the misfortune is chiefly hers. The situation calls for magnanimity and patience on our part. While matters are pending, there might be some advantage in a naval demonstration; for it would educate and benefit Chili to see a fleet of American vessels as an object-lesson. But the thought of war should be entertained only as the remotest possibility. It does not matter a whit about technicalities and precedents. Chili behaved churlishly in failing immediately, at the time of the mob's attack, to apologize fully for the insult to our flag and the injury to our men. But her indefensible misbehavior does not call for any return of violence and bloodshed. War would be wicked and cowardly. To bear an insult is often the true courage. We want a navy, and a good one; for we must be able to protect our country, our great commerce, and our national dignity and self-respect from the attacks of powers less pacific than we in their inclinations. But we have no prospect of a just cause, now or ever, for waging an offensive war. The Chilian complication may have taken a wholly different turn before this monthly magazine can reach its readers; but in any case let it be known that THE REVIEW OF REVIEWS does not hesitate to declare that through peace and amity and forbearance lies the road to national honor, and that it is a false sense of honor that calls for war. It is right, however, to be prepared; and the country has had no reason to distrust the policy of the President. Exit Lord Hartington. When the present Parliament was elected, the political calculations were based on the assumption that Mr. Gladstone, who last month celebrated his eighty-second birthday, was doomed by nature to disappear from the political scene before the next general election. Yet the fates have willed that Mr. Gladstone should be the only leader of the House of Commons to remain in the place which he occupied in 1886. Last year was particularly fatal. Death removed Mr. W. H. Smith, Tory leader of the House of Commons, and also the leader of the Parnellite party; and last month completed the work by. transferring Lord Hartington, the leader of the Liberal Unionists, to the House of Lords. The Duke of Devonshire has led for so many years the life of a comparative recluse that he has become practically an unknown factor in English politics. His removal, however, has made a considerable change in the political situation. Lord Hartington never excited much enthusiasm anywhere, least of all in his own bosom, but he commanded respect everywhere. The one leading idea which the Czar has had as to English politics was that Lord Hartington ought to succeed Mr. Gladstone as Liberal leader. The qualities which made the Czar know and trust Lord Hartington are those which have made him a power in the state. No doubt, had he not been the son of a duke his peculiar qualities would not have obtained such speedy recognition. But supposing that twelve of the ablest statesmen in England were dressed in fustian and disguised by aliases, they could not come together in one room without Lord Hartington's strong common sense making itself felt. He has now gone to the House of Lords, where he is not likely to find that stimulus to active exertion which his somewhat sluggish temperament seems to need. |