called Titima; but Titima had disappeared and there was no one to take his place.

THE GREAT NORTH TREK.

The excitement was great-not only in the Transvaal, but throughout South Africa. The Boers were sure of the justice of their position, and no threats would make them relinquish it. Messengers were sent to the principal towns to call people to join the great trek. Mr. Andriessen says that in a short time 20,000 armed men had given in their names. The movement derived strength from the adhesion of men like Joubert, Malan, Cortsee, and Henning Pretorius. All was ready when the Africander Bond were induced to use their influence against the trek, and President Kruger, much against his will and under strong pressure from England, issued his proclamation of April 25, 1891, forbidding all Transvaal burghers to take part in the trek, and declaring that those who persisted in going did so at their own risk and responsibility.

THE AFFAIR OF COLONEL FERREIRA.

One hundred and twelve Boers, with some thirty or forty wagons, disregarded the proclamation, and trekked on their own account. It will be remembered how, last June, five of them crossed the Limpopo. Col. Ferreira was arrested by Dr. Jameson, and the other four returned the way they came. was only, says Mr. Andriessen, through the friendly feeling of the majority of the Boers that a fight was averted.

A BOER WAR SOONER OR LATER.

It

The trek has been put a stop to, but the end is not yet. The Boers have gone and viewed Mashonaland and found it fruitful and good, and they are not afraid of the fevers which prevail in some parts. Mr. Rhodes has issued liberal invitations to Dutch Africanders to settle in the company's territories, promising them all manner of advantages; but really, says Mr. Andriessen, hoping to make use of them in the event of war with the Matabeles, which may be delayed, but cannot be wholly averted. But, he adds, his compatriots are not to be caught in that way, and, in fact, are not such fools as they look. They will settle in Mashonaland, and when a sufficient number have settled there, they will have their republic, even if they have to fight for it. "The freedom-loving emigrants can never tolerate British supremacy for any length of time, and one does not need to be a prophet to predict that a second war for freedom will take place north of the Limpopo, though it may probably be on a smaller scale than the first."

THE BOER MUST AND WILL TREK.

"The Boers have once for all determined to trek. Those at Standutor have openly intimated that they have Swazieland in their mind, while a number of Free State families have settled at Zontpansburg, waiting to cross the northern border. All South Africa is in a ferment, and the calmest day may be followed by weeks of storm and tempest.”

M.

THE GERMANS IN SOUTHWEST AFRICA. CHARLES DE CONTOULY, in his article on Cape Colony, in the Revue des Deux Mondes for February 1, devotes a section to considering the position of the Germans in that part of the world. He reviews the history of the occupation of Damaraland-"the most thankless country in the world”—a region of which a German is said to have remarked that "a dog would howl if he only looked at it," and remarks that it is not likely any sane nation would covet such a country for its own sake. This being so, it is natural that the Africanders should think the annexation but a pretext, and Damaraland only "a waiting-room," whence, when the time is come, German forces may issue to pounce on the Cape Colony. Indeed, our author seems to think they have every reason for such a fear. Facts which by themselves would signify nothing-the race-affinity between Dutch and Germans, the presence of large numbers of German settlers in various parts of the colony-become ominous seen in the light of the official occupation of Damaraland. "Thus," he says, "the German enigma has become an Africander nightmare."

GERMAN MISSIONARIES AS POLITICAL PIONEERS.

What is certain-he goes on to say-is that the first indications of German designs on South Africa date from the constitutional crisis at the Cape. They first became perceptible when Sir Philip Wodehouse began to fall out with the Cape Parliament in 1868. In that year the Rhenish Mission decided to throw forward its outposts into the No-Man's Land behind Walfisch Bay. By Bismarck's advice, the missionaries, before leaving Europe, waited on Lord Derby (then Lord Stanley) to know whether England claimed any jurisdiction in that region; they received an evasive answer, but no collision took place on their arrival. Fifteen years later arose Herr Lüderitz, “the inventor and patentee of SouthWest Africa," and the German navy did the rest. Lord Beaconsfield, it is true, had, in the mean time, become uneasy, and in 1874 proclaimed Walfisch Bay a British possession, while the Cape annexed a few small islands off Angra Pequeña. And the moral of it all is, according to M. de Contouly, that whether it be the result of a preconceived plan or of the natural course of events-the seed of all this was sown in the very hour when the Cape was about to receive home rule-that is to say, enter upon an era of difficulties.

HETEROGENEOUS ELEMENTS IN SOUTH AFRICA. "Physically, North Africa has many features in common with South Africa; politically, the difference is great. In the former we can count, all told, a Mussulman empire, a French colony, a protectorate, a Turkish province, and a vassal state; we may, if we like, add the nomadic Moorish tribes. Now take the triangle south of the Zambesi. Here we have three or even four kinds of British possessions: the self-governing colony-the Cape; the

colony depending in London-Bechuanaland; a cross between the two-Natal; an ill-defined specimenBasutoland. We have an absolutely independent republic-the Orange Free State; and one half under English control-the Transvaal. We have two English protectorates, one effectual, in North Bechuanaland, the other only nominal, on the Pondoland coast. Finally, we have native kingdoms, a German protectorate, and, bounding all of them, three spheres of influence-British, German, and Portuguese. It is a regular museum of political and administrative types !"

THE POSSIBILITY OF INVASION.

In. this respect M. de Contouly thinks the outlook is very black for the Cape colonists. There are no defences to speak of, except the forts at Simons Town, which are by no means impregnable; and an independent colony does not care to see Cape Town surrounded with elaborate fortifications and occupied by a strong garrison. And the colonial volunteer force-if we may take his word for itis almost beneath contempt. The official inquiry of last year proves that self-government-a very good thing in politics-has disastrous consequences when applied to military service. The Cape volunteers, according to him, enter their names, and then drill or not pretty much as they please. Discipline is nowhere and the markmanship bad. They will never be fit for anything, unless it is made impossible to join for less than a year and to leave before the expiry of this period, except for weighty reasons and under special authorization.

FEMALE LABOR IN ITALY.

I somewhat bitter

N an article entitled "Women vs. Socialism,"

August Bebel's book bearing a similar title, the Mora Antologie publishes (February 16) some interesting statistics concerning women's work in Italy. The writer, G. Boccardo, professes agreement on the woman question with the English school of thought, of which the most recent exposition has been given by Mr. Harrison in an admirable article on the "Emancipation of Women." Hence he is sceptical as to the permanent social advantage of women dividing the toils and honors of the labormarket with their husbands and brothers. Italy, it appears, is still, according to the last census, in the exceptionable position among European nations of having a slight preponderance of the male over the female population. Thus the woman problem is not as acute as with us; nevertheless, as far as the working classes are concerned, the Italian woman takes upon her shoulders far more than her fair share of the country's labor, especially as regards out-door employment, a fact which is easily apparent to every observant traveller throughout the peninsula.

Of 11,292,000 women in Italy over the age of nine years, nearly two millions are employed in indus

trial labor, whereas over three millions are employed in agriculture. From the most recent reports published by the director-general of statistics, it would appear that whereas men are employed in a large majority in all mining industries and also in wool manufactures, women are in the majority in the cotton, linen, and jute industries, but most especially in every department of the silk trade, 117,000 women finding employment, as against. 17,700

men.

The figures regarding juvenile labor-below the age of fifteen-are still more striking, as showing at how much lower an age Italian girls go to work than their brothers, and that, too, in the face of the obvious fact that the lion's share of the home-work always falls on the juvenile female members of a family. From a parliamentary return describing the working of the act of 1886 for the regulation of child labor, it appears that during the first year of the operation of the law 62, 148 permits were issued for juvenile female workers, as against 19,955 for boys. In the silk trade alone over 38,000 girls are employed, and only 2,000 boys; and in all the industries tabulated by the director of statistics, we find there are 47,500 girls employed, as against 22,700 boys. No considerations are brought forward as to the probable effect on a future generation of such premature labor on the part of the child-bearing portion of the community.

In conclusion, the author maintains that both in opportunities for work, in healthiness of employment, and especially in increased remuneration, the present condition of women will compare favorably with that of women at any previous epoch. Hence he protests energetically against Bebel's wholesale condemnation of the attitude of modern society toward the female sex. In one point alone he admits the barbarity of the Italian law toward women -i.e., in regard to the much-vexed question of the "récherché de la paternité," in which the Italian penal code imposes the same burdensome prohibitions as have been so bitterly denounced in France of late years.

A Breakwater of Whales.-The Friends' Quarterly Examiner gives us a pleasant picture of the broader aspects of Quakerism. One of the papers gives an account of Daniel Wheeler, a famous Quaker, who, after spending some years in Russia, went to the South Seas as a missionary. On his way out his little ship, 100 tons registered, was saved from destruction by a living breakwater of whales. The story almost puts that of Jonah into the shade:

"At another time, when it seemed as if the bark must be overwhelmed by the mountainous waves, Daniel and Charles Wheeler were called to the deck to see, as they were told, a sight worth looking at. This was no other than a company of some 200 small whales, about twelve feet long, which the man at the helm said were serving as a breakwater. They were spread over a large surface in the exact

direction between the vessel and the wind and waves, swimming in such steady order as to keep in a regular phalanx and altogether obstruct the approach of each succeeding wave.

M.

HOW TO SAVE ITALY.

A Prescription by an Englishman.

W. F. LORD has a very readable article in the March Nineteenth Century entitled "Italia non fara da se." He says Italy is not getting onItaly is in a very bad way, and proves his point by a mass of statistics which are very curious reading. The mortality is something tremendous. The population of Italy and of England and Wales is about the same, but the proportion of deaths in Italy from the following diseases is as follows: Scarlet fever, 2 to 1; diphtheria, 3 to 1; typhoid fever, 5 to 1; malarial fever, 100 to 1; cholera, 7 to 1; small-pox, 32 to 1. There are far too many officials and their salaries are much too low.

Mr. Lord maintains that the whole of Italy's genius is unbusiness-like. In Florence there are three different kinds of police in the street, with separate functions and responsibilities. If a strong and capable reformer were to arise in Italy, Mr. Lord thinks this is the way he would speak to the Parliament:

"Get rid of these hordes of unnecessary officials; better ten thousand discontented eximpiegati than ten million discontented voters. Abolish these enormous taxes on trade, and if this cannot be done without immediate loss of income, recall the expedition to Massowah. Appeal to the patriotism of the Italians to do away with the endless courts of justice. Point to the example of Germany, and choose a healthy spot in Central Italy where a man may get judgment according to law in less than twelve years. If the Italians will not take up the waste land, encourage foreigners to do so. Arrange the taxes so that the natural ingenuity of the people may turn to honest toil instead of smuggling, which now pays better. When Government takes a monopoly-as tobacco-see that it sets a good example to trade and not a bad one. Pay public officers better and make them do their work. Put a stop to the endless pilfering in the custom-house and on the railways. Get money into the country by all honest and direct means, and avoid wretched and ruinous resources like adulterating tobacco and taxing the coupons of the national debt.

"The one chance for Italy is that she may bend her pride, and consent to borrow an administrator from outside, as she has already borrowed military advisers. If some thrifty Teuton, trained in careful and statesmanlike principles, stood at the Finance Minister's elbow as the power behind the throne, Italy might creep out of her entanglement and advance far on the road to wealth. Failing this perhaps remote chance, she must remain embarrassed. Italia non fara da se."

POLITICAL ECONOMY IN FRANCE.

POLITICAL economy, which was generally treated

as a very dull science, during the first half of this century at any rate, has of late years become a much more popular subject, and that with all classes of society, and yet there is more division than ever among the economists themselves as to what are true economic principles. While one party would have a fundamental renovation of society, another school preaches the doctrine of laissez-faire. In a short but interesting article in the Revue Encyclopédique of February 15, M. François Bernard draws attention to some recent French books on economic subjects; among others, to the "New Dictionary of Political Economy," by M. Léon Say, and to "Money and International Bimetalism," by the late M. de Lavaleye.

The dictionary to which M. Léon Say lends the authority of his name, with M. Joseph Chailley as his lieutenant, is not a new edition of the dictionary which he published in 1852. It is an entirely new work, much better conceived than the old one, being written on a much wider plan, less scholastic, and perhaps a little eclectic, but attacking seriously all the social problems of the day, and giving about each one all the particulars necessary to enable one to form a clear judgment. Labor questions, financial questions, syndicates, all are included. Of course, M. Say is all for private industrial enterprise, and only admits state intervention in indispensable cases. In the matter of insurance of workmen, and especially in the matter of public assistance, no obligation is admitted, but great concessions have been made to modern aspirations. Even colonization is taken up in the favorable sense of national expansion.

THE QUESTION OF RELIGIOUS INSTRUCTION IN PRUSSIAN SCHOOLS.

DURING the last two months Germany has been

greatly stirred and excited over the new Elementary Education Bill. In the February number of the Preussische Jahrbücher, which is always strong in educational articles, this bill is discussed at some length in the political correspondence over the signature "D." The article is presumably by the editor, Dr. Hans Delbrück. The main object of the Government measure is to make religious instruction in primary schools both denominational and compulsory. According to General Caprivi, the Government desires only to counteract the Atheism which is spreading in the country. "The ques

tion," Caprivi said, "is not one of Protestantism against Catholicism, but one of Christianity against Atheism, and no purely moral education not founded on Christian principles can contend with success against the growing spirit of Atheism." The opponents of the bill very naturally regarded this insinuation as a declaration that they were Atheists,

while its supporters were Christians, and amid vehement hissing from the Liberals, the Premier, followed by all his ministers, left the House.

By the provisions of the bill the clergymen of the Church to which a school happens to be appropriated will have control over the teaching and the teacher. In cases where the number. of children of one creed attending a school of some other creed is over thirty, a separate school may be built for them, but if the number should exceed sixty, a separate school has to be provided. The teachers, of course, must be of the same denomination as the children under their charge. Now the number of denominations recognized by the State is small, therefore the bill must be aimed against the unrecognized denominations; in fact, it is expressly aimed against the Freethinkers. Professor Virchow has very ably advanced the objections of the Liberals, contending that natural morals and mere artificial and dogmatic morals are not identical. Ultimately the bill was sent to a special committee of twenty-eight members-nine Conservatives, four Free Conservatives, six National Liberals, six Clericals, one Pole, and two Radicals. One of the most important manifestos issued against the bill is that from the professor at the Berlin University.

The Evangelical Church, writes "D.," stands in such close relationship to the State that it matters little whether the Church, as such, is granted a little more or a little less influence. It is quite different with the Catholics. The Catholic Church is much less closely connected with the State, often assuming an independent and even hostile position. For it there is no higher principle than this very independence. It is conscious of its power and will not suffer the State to give religious instruction to Catholic children. Not to recognize this fact will be to get entangled in all sorts of disputes.

And what about the private schools? Are they to go on as before, disseminating mischievous "tendencies?"

For this one reason it would be well to limit the sphere of private schools as much as possible, and thus exclude the young almost entirely from any instruction but that imparted by the State schools. But then the State should be consistent. The first requirement of a sound and healthy education is that it be without "tendencies," whereas the first thing demanded of the national schools is the putting down of social democracy and the glorification of the Hohenzollern dynasty. Very well. But a wrong meaning is apt to be attached to the term "social democracy." It may be understood to signify revolution against the State and the Church, the very opposite of what is national, Christian, and moral; or it may be taken to represent the Socialist party-to which many people belong who have nothing whatever to do with revolutionary "tendencies," but who regard the party as the best representative of their interests. No one has shown more markedly that such a distinction should be

made than the German Emperor himself, when he summoned an avowed social democrat to the great conference on the protection of workmen. One thing is certain, the "tendencies" feared cannot be got rid of by legislation any more than enthusiasm for the Hohenzollern dynasty can be enforced by law. With such a bureaucratic spirit at work as that which framed the bill now before the Prussian Diet, education in the national schools, as is already the case in the higher schools, will be paralyzed; that is, the business of education will consist in the observance of a multitude of absurd prescribed regulations. The only chance, then, of getting a liberal education will be in the private schools.

Henceforward the Church is to direct the religious instruction and the State the more secular part of education. That is all very well for the Catholic Church, but it will never answer for Protestants. Moreover, the way in which the whole question is. to be settled under the new act is outrageous. Should the Regierungs-präsident (Government. President) decide against the clergyman, a great scandal is bound to follow; should he, on the other hand, favor the clergyman, the moral influence of the teacher will be destroyed, for will he not thus be practically branded a heretic by the Government? As to the clause which compels the children of parents who have left the Church to attend the religious instruction provided by the State, Baron von Zedlitz, the Minister of Education, explained that he was desirous that the unhappy children of unbelieving parents should partake of the same benefit as he himself had enjoyed. Children who grow up without any religious instruction whatever are no doubt much to be pitied, but such a method of imparting it in direct opposition to the wishes of the parents is enough to kill all religion. It is not necessary that a German chancellor should be a theologian, but he should at least avoid making use of expressions which are only calculated to wound the best among German people.

In conclusion, "D." ascribes the introduction of the bill to political motives. The immediate result has been a split with the National Liberals. But there are only two ways of dealing with powerful parties. Either a life-and-death fight must be waged against them or concessions must be made on both sides. The former method, so far as the Prussian State and the Catholic Church are concerned, is not to be thought of. The great future danger to the Fatherland is not to be sought in the social democracy, but in ultramontanism. Nothing could be more repulsive than that the band of the faithful in the Catholic Church, with the Holy Coat, etc., should be called on to do common battle with the social democracy. The only way out is to make such concessions as will satisfy the Catholics without doing direct harm to the Protestants. Such concessions were the exemption of the Catholic priests from military service and the high rank and external distinction shown to dignitaries of the Church of Rome. It will, however, be impossible to satisfy

two such parties as the Centre and the National Liberals with such a bill, but in both factions there are men who can look beyond the hedge of party, and we may hope that the good genius of Germany will preside over the many rival elements, and that a wise and useful law will yet become the property of the Fatherland.

POLITICS AND PARTIES IN GREECE.

'HE dismissal of the Delyannis Ministry on March gives to M. Gaston-Deschamps' article in the Revue Bleue of February 27, on "Politics and Parties in Greece," especial timeliness and importance. In Greece, this writer says, parties are innumerable, but it is not difference of doctrines that causes the divisions. There is neither a religious nor a social question; everybody is pretty nearly of one opinion, but everybody has not the same interests.

For the last few years, however, the political history of Greece has been a sort of duel between the clan of M. Tricoupis and the clan of M. Delyannis. M. Tricoupis is described as cold, taciturn, diligent, and Greek in race and sentiments, but English in education, attitude, and appearance. His unpopularity is easily explained. Under his administration the duties on the necessities of life were very heavy, and the Delyannis party were not slow to point out that he was the oppressor of the people and the enemy of the poorer classes. Another grievance against M. Tricoupis was that he did not appreciate the attachment of the Greeks to their old national customs. He wanted to make Greece a power in Europe, but when all his fine reforms cost so much money, the peasants did not see it. He is an orator, and as such has great confidence in the material and moral forces of the nation. This confidence is expressed in such noble and audacious terms, too, that even M. Delyannis is often disarmed by it. M. Delyannis speaks with ease, but with more gestures and less mastery over himself. He busies himself more with foreign politics than with home affairs.

In ordinary times Greece is reported to be in a political fever; at election-time this fever borders on delirium. The people, who have so little to do, are mad with delight when they get an opening for their activity, and the polling-day is anxiously awaited. The Tricoupists turn out with olive branches in their hats or button-holes; the symbol of the Delyannists is the laurel. The voting takes place in the churches.

M. Delyannis, who has been in power since October, 1890, has been called the king of kings, but his authority nevertheless meets with much opposition by other "chiefs." In Greece to be a hero is everything. To enjoy the pleasure of living without doing anything, it is only necessary to promise to die for the country, but to attempt to make the good people realize that it is useful to have a budget

and indispensable to keep a register of receipts and expenditure is hopeless. They will only tell you that they have nothing to do with such European inventions, and that with a good heart and a good gun, and a good rock from behind which to fire at one's ease, there will be no difficulty in overthrowing an enemy. Thus it needs courage indeed to meet these ideas, which are so firmly anchored in the heads of the people. But M. Tricoupis was not discouraged. His tragic and fatigued air stupefied his countrymen. To them he seemed to have a strange conception of life, and it was as if he had acquired his peculiar methods from countries where the sun did not shine. His enemies accused him of being a foreigner, but it is probably this prejudice that will constitute his future strength. A Greek king would be impossible in Greece, for the ties of kinship and the ideas of equality which are common to all the Hellenes would make the palace the rendezvous of all the laborers of the plains and the shepherds of the hills. If the Greek people do not show a very decided sympathy for M. Tricoupis, they have certainly the idea of an incontestable superiority in him over which no polemics can prevail. Paltry as his country may be, he is a great minis

ter.

DE BLOWITZ AND ALFONSO XII.

HE Paris correspondent of the London Times much so than when describing in the current Harper's the master-stroke of journalistic enterprise which practically won for him the much-coveted position in which he is known to the world. This was the interviewing, on the night of December 31, 1874, of Alfonso XII., King of Spain, whom a confused and contradicted report had just elevated to that dignity.

That last day of 1874 found M. De Blowitz in a "provisional and precarious" situation, cooking up, with his collaborator, Mr. Alger, telegraphic correspondence for the Times special wire until such time as that great newspaper should appoint to the important post of Paris correspondent some one to fill the position left vacant by Frederick Hardman.

"The evening of that day I had gone to bed very late. The day was icy cold; snow covered all Paris. Wearied out and suffering from a slight fever, I had remained in bed, and was on the point of sending for Mr. Alger to inform him of my condition, in order to consider with him with what we could feed that Minotaur called the private wire, when the evening papers were brought to me. The Liberté, whose proprietors were then, and no doubt are today, on excellent terms with the Spanish dynasty, announced by telegraph, and in some words of comment, that a pronunciamento, provoked by MartinezCampos, had taken place in Spain, and that the Prince of Asturias, then in Paris, had been proclaimed king, under the title of Alfonso XII. It was