Institute is a great establishment which provides for the social, recreative, and educational wants of the self-dependent young people of the metropolis. It was founded by Mr. Quintin Hogg, who, in this line of organized work for the welfare of young people in cities, deserves to be called the wisest and most successful philanthropist of our generation. He has not only worked out the plan of the institute, nursing it from a very small beginning to its present magnificent dimensions, but he has given, in addition to great sums of money, his constant energy and supervision. Himself a great West Indian merchant and man of affairs, he has nevertheless devoted all his evenings and his Sundays to the welfare of the institute, while Mr. Mitchell, who was originally taken in hand as a lad and trained for this work by Mr. Hogg, has grown up as the practical organizer and manager.

Upon the club side of the institute one finds a great gymnasium, swimming-bath, library, readingrooms, the largest boating club on the Thames, successful cricket teams and foot-ball teams, bicycle clubs, tennis clubs, musical societies, and other organizations for sport or pleasure or mutual improvement in almost endless number. Upon the educational side there is a very extensive series of practical technical classes, with machine shops, chemical and physical laboratories, and practical trades workrooms. There are advanced scientific courses, classes in mathematics, book-keeping, and modern languages, and opportunities, in short, for the acquisition of almost any kind of knowledge that

would be useful to any given class of young fellows in London who belong to the working and so-called "lower middle" classes, and who must make their own way in the world as artisans or in some branch of trade. The Polytechnic's art schools, in which every department of technical, decorative and manufacturing art is successfully taught, are exceptionally complete and extensive.

In the great hall of the institute the young fellows enjoy the best of lectures and many good concerts and entertainments. On Sundays Mr. Hogg conducts a great Bible class; and the atmosphere of the place is avowedly religious. The trade schools are all conducted with the approbation and with the practical co-operation of the trade unions of London, so that there is no conflict. Young men who are admitted to membership in the institute pay a small charge of some twelve shillings per year, and for every term of class work or for every particular course of instruction they pay prescribed fees, all of which are very moderate. Many persons attend one or more of the classes-nearly all of which, it should be said, are evening classes-who are not full members of the institute, and are not, therefore, in the enjoyment of the social and recreative advantages of the establishment considered as a club. About twelve thousand persons every year are con nected in one way or another with the Regent Street Polytechnic Institute. Of this number nearly two thousand are young women.

The People's Palace in East London, which for reasons not necessary here to explain would seem to

have secured a wider reputation, is much younger than the Regent Street institute, and has as yet not attained so high a success. Its educational and general work, however, has been modelled upon that of Mr. Hogg's and Mr. Mitchell's Regent Street establishment. Upon similar lines, in other portions of the great metropolis, four or five other polytechnic institutes are now being opened. Under acts of Parliament revising the ancient parochial endowments of London a large fund of money has within a few years been placed for redisposal in the hands of

the national Charity Commissioners, and they, in turn, have made large appropriations for the maintenance and further development of this Regent Street institute, and also of the entire series of London polytechnics which is being built up, partly by private beneficence and partly through the aid of this public bounty, upon the model of Mr. Hogg's admirable institution.

Upon all these matters no man is more minutely informed than Mr. Robert Mitchell, who has had much to do with the organization of technical instruction in several of the newer institutes, including the People's Palace, while retaining his position

IN THE REFRESHMENT-ROOM.

as secretary and manager of the Regent Street establishment. He is accompanied to America by Mr. Douglas Hogg, who has but lately completed his studies at Eton, and has now entered upon a period of work and service as one of the managing staff of the Polytechnic. It was as a young man fresh from Eton that his father, Mr. Quintin Hogg, began, some twenty years or more ago, his work among the apprentice lads of London which has had so extraordinary a development.

THE POLYTECHNIC'S BOAT-HOUSE ON THE THAMES.

tors of various religious denominations throughout Great Britain that whenever any young persons from their parishes are going to the metropolis they may carry to Mr. Peer's department of the Polytechnic a card of introduction which will entitle them to friendly advice and assistance in securing lodging and boarding places, and which will further secure for them such a welcome from some metropolitan church or society or institution as may protect them in the first critical weeks of residence in the city from evil influences which might otherwise prove their ruin. The ramifications of the work at the Polytechnic are so numerous and so interesting that a very long article would be necessary if it were desirable to describe them in detail. Enough is now known in America of this great London work to insure for Mr. Mitchell and Mr. Douglas Hogg a most hearty greeting.

VIEW OF REVIEWS. It is estimated that there are at least ten or fifteen thousand young English people who come to London from the country each year to find employment and to seek their fortunes. Many of these are without friends or acquaintances in the city who could be of any use to them. Mr. Peer's task is no less a one than an attempt to get into such communication with the clergymen and pas

THE

THE LOUISIANA LOTTERY.

HE Forum for January contains two articles on the "Louisiana Lottery."

Away with the Lottery.

The first, by Judge Frank McGloin, is an account of the popular struggle in Louisiana against the lottery company, which is making a desperate attempt to secure by constitutional provision a new lease of life. The charter of the company will expire De cember 31, 1893, and it is proposed by its friends that it be renewed for twenty five years more.

The people are divided. "On one side is a band of lottery gamblers grown very rich upon their ne farious business and willing to spend enormously for the perpetuation of their monopoly, and with them is every element of the population that is purchas able or controllable by considerations of a selfish character. Unfortunately, they have also the countenance and support of many honest but misguided men who have convinced themselves that the State of Louisiana is sunk in the depths of poverty, and that she will be justified in licensing gambling on the same principle that the liquor traffic is laden with a tax for Government support.

"On the other side are arranged all who are opposed as a matter of principle to gambling in any shape or under any circumstances, together with a large number not so extreme in their views, yet opposing this gambling institution as destructive of the best and dearest interests of the State."

The present charter of the company, which dates from January 1, 1869, was obtained originally, says Judge McGloin, by means of bribery and corrup tion. The Supreme Court of the State has indeed pronounced to that effect.

The charter of the lottery company was abrogated in 1879 by the legislature of Louisiana then in session, but the operation of the statute was stayed by the writ of injunction of a United States judge. The constitutional convention which assembled in New Orleans in the same year to prepare a new constitution for submission to the people, out of deference to the original contract entered into by the State and the company, and after making provision for the licensing of rival companies-which, it was thought, would destroy the monopoly feature of the company-ratified the lottery charter with the subjoined proviso that all lotteries in Louisiana should be unlawful after January 1, 1895. This provision regarding lotteries was submitted to the people, along with other provisions recommended by the constitutional assembly, and was adopted. Had it been submitted separately, it would, Judge McGloin is of opinion, have been rejected.

But notwithstanding the constitutional declaration

that after January 1, 1895, all lotteries in Louisiana shall be unlawful, the lottery company is endeavor. ing by every hook and crook to secure a continuation of its charter for another period of years.

The opponents of the rechartering of the lottery company, says Judge McGloin, rest their opposition upon these grounds: "In the first place, they protest against this attempt to secure a longer term for lottery gamblers in this State as a flagrant violation of the solemn covenant imbedded in the constitution; by reason of which covenant these men are in justice obligated to be satisfied with what they have acquired during one term, and to allow Louisiana now to be, as other States are, free from chartered gambling. Without such a compact the lottery company would never have carried the day upon the floor of the constitutional convention of. 1879; and without the intervention of that body the repealing statute of 1879 would have gone into force. They consider that this act of bad faith on the part of the lottery company abundantly justifies the conviction that the true issue is not merely whether this company shall live among us during a quarter of a century longer, but whether Louisiana shall become forever a gambler's State. They feel that as now the lottery is spending its money and using every effort to gain a new charter, so at the expiration of the second term the parties now or then in interest will be still unwilling to surrender the advantage they have; and that with accumulated wealth and increased power and influence it will be theirs to command perpetuation of the license."

Judge McGloin shows from a calculation based upon the face value of tickets issued and the total value of the prizes drawn during twelve months that the company takes 45 per cent. as its share of the lottery deal. He resents the imputation that Louisiana is a beggar State and must tolerate the lottery on account of the revenue it brings into the State treasury.

The strongest objection to the lottery is held to be the one of immediate morals. How shall the rising generation be induced to condemn and fear this most insidious of temptations when the State holds it constantly before them as the one great benefactor of the commonwealth? How shall our children despise the gambler who is providing for their education, rearing the levees which keep out the floods, and supporting hospitals and asylums for orphans and the insane?" The opponents of the lottery are confident of success; if, however, the anti-lottery cause in Louisiana is lost, the only sure remedy left, Mr. McGloin asserts, is "the passage according to rule of an amendment to the Constitution of the United States, prohibiting the States from establishing lotteries and making it penal under Federal law to conduct a gambling game of this character.”

An Account of the Present Contest. In the second paper Mr. J. C. Wickliffe, one of the founders of the Anti-Lottery League and editor of its organ, the New Delta, relates the history of the lottery company. He gives more in detail the facts stated incidentally in Judge McGloin's paper.

It is, however, of the present contest in Louisiana that he, too, treats especially. This had its origin in the announcement by the company's representative, Mr. John A. Morris, in April, 1890, that he would apply to the legislature for an amendment to the constitution granting the company a new charter for the term of twenty-five years, offering to pay for it the sum of $500,000 per year. When the legisla ture met, "nearly two-thirds of each house were opposed to the proposition of Morris. The next day after the legislature met Morris raised his offer from $500,000 to $1,000,000 a year for the lottery privilege, and then went to work on the legislature. He established regular headquarters in Baton Rouge, the capital, and would send for members whom he desired to get over, using such arguments as were best suited for the accomplishment of his ends. . . . Finally, the lottery company got the requisite number (two-thirds) pledged to its measure in the House, and the bill was introduced. Three times the bill was put upon its passage before it could be accomplished. First one member was taken sick and could not attend; then another was stricken with paralysis as he rose in his seat to vote for the measure; and finally it was passed amid the most violent storm which had ever passed over Baton Rouge, and just as the member who introduced it gave his vote, the State house was struck by lightning, extinguishing all the electric lights in the building."

The bill was then sent to the Senate, and, after a bitter struggle, received the requisite two-thirds. Governor Francis T. Nicholls, however, returned it without his approval. The House of Representatives passed the bill over the veto, and again sent it to the Senate. This body adopted a resolution that the Governor had no right to veto the bill and returned it to the House, which immediately rescinded its vote and adopted the resolutions of the Senate, and sent the bill to the Secretary of State for promulgation.

After the adjournment of the legislature "it was discovered that all the constitutional requirements had not been complied with—such as entering the proposed amendment in full on the journal of the House and Senate, with the names of the members voting for it. Nor did the journals show that it had been read in full three different days in each house; all of which were required by the constitution of the State." The secretary of the Senate and the clerk of the House altered the journals, to make them show that these formalities had been observed, it is alleged, and destroyed the old pages.

The Secretary of State refused to promulgate the act on the ground that it had not passed as the law required, but it was decided by the Supreme Court

of the State that the Governor had no power to veto a constitutional amendment, and that the officers of the two houses had a right to change the record after the adjournment

The fight now is for the possession of State offices through the coming election. The lottery and the anti-lottery men each have their candidates. "The anti-lottery men have made a combination with the farmers' union inside of the Democratic party, and have agreed to support for governor, treasurer, and superintendent of public schools men named by the farmer delegates of the Democratic convention. The lottery men have made a combination with the 'city ward boss' elements in New Orleans, and the professional politicians in the country; and so the situation stands to-day."

read with profit the careful, dispassionate state. ment of the farmer grievances which appears in the January Century over the signature of Mr. J. R. Dodge. His essay, "The Discontent of the Farmer," presents the subject differentiated according to the main geographical divisions of the United States. This analysis of the farmer's political demands shows a remarkable variation according to local needs. With the single exception of the dissatisfaction with present railway methods, it can almost be said that there is no universal grievance; and even in that problem it would be difficult to imagine the Eastern farmer agreeing with the California fruit-grower on the subject of the long and the short haul rates.

So far, so bad for the solidarity and success of the grangers' movement. On the other hand, Mr. Dodge's able review will show some phases of the granger ferment in a new and favorable light to many people, who have come to consider the Farmers' Alliance and its tenets a byword for all that is farcical and chimerical. There are few people of our Northern and Eastern cities who can appreciate any serious demand on the part of reasoning persons for a system of Government bonded warehouses to store farm products and a sub-treasury system to loan money on the basis of these products, and on farm lands. But is it not easy to understand such a demand in the face of this state of affairs?

"From time immemorial a large contingent of the class of cotton-growers have been in debt. The land has not generally been mortgaged, but the crop, more valuable, and a far more available security, has been held for the cost of advances and supplies through the growing year. A system of credits, running from New Year's to Christmas and often extending into the next crop year, was in vogue a half century ago, and has been continued to the present day, though the State agents and county correspondents of the United States Department of