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moral supremacy, they will necessarily be the moral powers. Among these Leo XIII, and his advisers have perceived that democracy is every day coming

F or the generation that has grown up in the disheartening atmosphere of the twenty years after 1870 has tried the religion of scientific criticism

labor and are heavy laden,” is the legitimate cry of siècle thinkers have asked for bread, and stones have the Church In uttering it and making himself, as been proffered them. “There happened what always he has done, the pope of the democracy, Leo XIII. happened at all epochs of great expansion of knowl. has shown himself to possess, as his predecessors edge. at the first moment this irradiation of light have done before him, a full share of the wisdom seemed to brighten the whole horizon, and man beof the serpent, while at the same time, in protesting lieves himself to be freed forever from the gloom against the appetites of socialism, he maintains the wherein he was feeling his way darkly ; but soon harmlessness of the dove. The triumph of democ. the impatient spirits spring further forward, beyond racy without socialism is the ideal which he has the luminous zone, the magnified horizon retires set before the orthodox. Henceforth, every good before their eyes, and the gloom grows there once Catholic must be a democrat, but he is distinctly more, thicker than ever Above all, it was clear forbidden to call himself a socialist. The historic from too evident social symptoms that if science developments of this ideal, the manner in which it can satisfy some very distinguished minds it can has been, as it were, borne in from the circumfer do nothing to moralize and discipline societies ; ence to the centre of the Church, the part which criminal statistics loudly proclaim this inefficacy." has been played in the gradual evolution of the Holy There was no creed waiting to receive the mantle See by the great ecclesiastics of Germany, England, of scientific dogmatism; the result has been nihil Ireland, and America, and, above all, the intimate ism, pessimism, introspective self-torture, a wrackharmony of the ideal with the Christian traditions, ing analysis of life, Schopenhauer, Taine, Tolstoï. are demonstrated in a masterly manner in this ar “Rationalists, sceptics, atheists, the minds that are ticle. How to give practical form to the ideal is most emancipated from religious beliefs, return by reserved for the next.

a different route to the state of thought of an In

dian yogui, of an Egyptian anchorite of the second FRENCH NEO-CHRISTIANITY.

century, or of a scholastic monk of the eleventh " T is a considerable sign in France when ridicule century, with the only difference that they do not

I changes its object and passes from one camp make the demon intervene. They denounce, in the to the other," says the Vicomte de Vogüé in the same terms as of old, the pitfalls of nature, of the remarkable article entitled “The Neo Christian flesh, and of life.” Movement in France, " in the January Harper's.

The most important result of this strange ferment The writer traces with an admirable pen the is the new sympathy with the Christian faith. course of literary-i.e., Voltairian-scepticism of the Voltaire and St. Thomas Aquinas have reversed first half of the century, the scientific scepticism places in the sarcastic flights of the Frenchmen. A which has accompanied or supplanted it since 1840. serious, a reverent, indeed, a passionate desire to the amalgamation of the two into the official unbe extract whatever is true from the body of Christian lief for which the French Government has stood tenets has come upon those who, a few years ago, during the last decade, and the reaction, which is had nothing but scathing irony for anything con. even now upon us. Not superstitious, peasantnected with the religion of the West. France, which is just being paganized by the teach.

THE LITERARY REACTION. ing of the last century, but the students, the young

“In literature, these new.comers declare themdoctors, lawyers, literary men, the scions of France,

selves disgusted with naturalism and scandalized her hope and strength-these have revolted from the

by dilettanteism. They require their writers to dry substitute that scientific atheism makes for a

hare seriousness and moral inspiration. They have religion of ideals.

a marked taste for what is nowadays called 'symbol"In the years that have elapsed since 1880 the

ism,' that is to say, a form of art which, though religious sentiment seemed to have received a mor

painting reality, is constantly bringing reality once tal stroke. Outside of the group of militant Catho.

more into communication with the mystery of the lics-and they were in a very small minority in the

universe. And as the models of this kind have been professions, wherein is formed the thought that

given by the mystic authors of the great epochs of directs the public mind-everything seemed to have

faith, we see unbelieving men of letters who read conspired against this sentiment—the official action

with delight and praise above all things the Imiof the legal power, the old Voltairianism of the

tation of Christ and the writings of St. Francis middle classes, the scientific disdain of the studious,

of Assisi and St. François de Sales." the coarse naturalism of the literary men. We might well have supposed that the generation which

SYMPTOMS OF THE NEO-CHRISTIANITY. was submitted to the decisive test would be defi- Proofs which cannot be gainsaid are patent in nitely emancipated from all religious preoccu- the writings of M. Rod, the author of “Moral Ideas pation. It is precisely the contrary which has come of the Present Time," of M. Pouilhan in his “New to pass.”

Mysticism," above all of M. Lasserre, the young

student author of "The Christian Crisis," and many others, from whom the Vicomte Vogüé gives strik ing and significant quotations. People do not see this movement in the flash and glitter of the Boule vard. “But if they would take the trouble to live with the professors and students, to read serious publications, to follow the lectures of the Sorbonne, and sit on the benches of the schools of law and of medicine, they would at once discern the silent labor that is going on within the brain of the nation, in the intellectual centre whence the in fluences of the future will start.”

“THE SOUL OF THE FORESTS AND THE MISTS.” What is the historical significance of this unex pected groping after the eternal mystery? Accord. ing to the Vicomte de Vogüé, it is the Celtic as opposed to the Latin element in the Frenchman.

" In the new generations we notice the reappearance of one of the essential elements of the French race, namely, the collective and fraternal souldemocracy, as it is called nowadays-of the old Celtic and Gaulish stock, the soul of the forests and the mists, early oppressed by the hard Roman dis cipline, by the limiting and hierarchic spirit of these Latins, who came from a country of rocks and clear skies. ... This soul is once more cropping out. Everything announces the rising of the old

the entire course of training that ministers undergo, but it should be oper to those properly qualified, so that they may pursue those studies that seem to them important for their work in life. The new departure of Union Theological Seminary, in New York, in opening its studies to graduate students of Columbia College and the University of New York, makes it possible for lawyers, physicians, and teachers, and others who desire theological training, to secure it in an institution already established where there are many courses of studies suitable for the purpose.”

Dr. Briggs believes that theology is for the people as well as for the ministry, and urges the extension of instruction in this science to the public through lecture courses similar to the Chautauqua and Uni. versity Extension courses.

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1. “ THEOLOGICAL Education and Its Needs" is

T the subject of a learned paper by the Rev. Dr. C. A. Briggs in the January Forum. He first traces the development in theological education in America through three stages : as a part of the col. lege, as an independent professional school, and as an independent school in friendly relations with the university, and then proceeds to point out some of the advantages and disadvantages that have sprung out of theological seminaries. Theology has suffered in this country, he asserts, from having been confined to separate schools. “Theology has shut herself off from her sister sciences in America during the present century, and has paid the penalty in well-merited neglect by the learned men of other departments of knowledge. Theology is the queen of the sciences, but she can reign only in the uni versity. She dethrones herself when she retires by herself into the theological school.” Training in theological schools has, he admits, the advantage of giving the ministry a higher professional education, but it does this at the expense of a broader education.

The isolation of theology has also the disadvan tage, it is still further pointed out, of excluding from theological training men of other pursuits in life. “Theological education should be free, open to any man or woman who has sufficient elementary training to pursue these studies. The Church at the present time needs laymen who are trained in the ology. It is not necessary that these should undergo



T porary Review for January, in a paper entitled “ Liberal Theology in the Church of England,” pleads that the time has come when the Broad Church Party should seek a distinct recognition of themselves as a legitimate party, and further increase the number.

"To accomplish these objects we ought to possess certain definite institutions, of which the three following are indispensable :

“ (1) A society, something like the English Church Union, or the Church Association, or the Evangelical Alliance (except that this last is undenominational), consisting of persons acknowledging themselves as Latitudinarian members of the Church of England, and organized for the purpose of advancing our doctrines generally, and especially of defending all Latitudinarian holders of offices whose positions are endangered on doctrinal grounds.

(2) Institutions for education, including the spread of literature, the training of candidates for holy orders, the religious instruction of other students, and the advancement of theological learning.

“ (3) Missions to the heathen, preferably by arrangement with the older missionary societies to accept Latitudinarian missionaries supported by us ; but failing this, by means of a new missionary society, avoiding collision with the older societies as they avoid collisions with each other, and working with them so far as they will let us ; missions also to the degraded and destitute parts of the Eng. lish population, conducted in the same way, by alliance with the parochial clergy, and existing agencies where they will accept us, by separate agencies where they will not, but always distinctly teaching our principles.”

In explaining how he would work out his scheme, he makes the following suggestions

“On one important point we might educate by object-lessons the equality of the Christian churches. In fact, by concerted action, it might not only be taught but accomplished—jumped,' as the phrase is. Remember Stanley's discovery that the law does not forbid Nonconformist ministers to preach in churches. It may not be good law, but it is good enough to fight with. Let our society appoint a Conciliation Sunday. On that day let every beneficed clergyman who belongs to us invite a Nonconformist minister to preach in his church, and every non-beneficed clergyman officiate in a Nonconformist chapel (and administer the Com munion according to the forms there in use, if the rules of the denomination allow him) ; then let the bishops do their worst. Let us take it before all the possible courts, and if the courts decide against us let us use the invincible weapon of the Ritual. ists. let us go to prison for 'contempt.' After half a dozen imprisonments the bishops would de sist for very shame, as they have done with the Ritualists. When the next Conciliation Sunday came round it would be taken as a matter of course.”

the responsibility before God of the exercise of the franchise in connection with such blots upon Chris tian civilization as the Indian opium revenue, the demoralizing bane of the liquor traffic, the inade. quate protection of the purity of women, and the oppression of weaker people, without courting the favor or shrinking from the displeasure of any political party, however powerful.

3. It is not easy to define what has and what has not been a blessing in the past life of the nation, inasmuch as the eternal purpose works behind all the multitudinous activities of national life, and in that eternal purpose all things work together for ultimate good

4. I see no necessity for the differentiation sug. gested. The presence of Bishops in the House of Lords, and their complete freedom to debate and vote upon every question affecting the welfare of the nation, is a sufficient indication that the absten tion of her ordained ministry from the political issues of the day is not the theory of the Church of England.



THE ENGLISH CLERGY IN POLITICS. THE Review of the Churches (London) makes

T “The Place of the Clergy in Politics” the sub. ject of a symposium in its December number. Canon Barker, Canon Wilberforce, Rev. W. Tuck. well, Rev. J. Guinness Rogers, and Rev. F. W. Macdonald discuss the subject from the clerical point of view. They are all practically agreed in thinking that the parson has a duty as a citizen, with the exception of Mr. Macdonald, who thinks that, on the whole, the parson is better out of politics. Mr. Macdonald thinks that the men are very few who will not do more harm than good in leaving the quiet paths of ministerial duty to take part in po litical life. Canon Wilberforce replies thus to the four questions put by the Review of the Churches:

1. Inasmuch as “politics” are the morals of the nation, I consider that the oft-repeated aphorism that the accredited ministers of religion overstep their functions when they actively participate in the political struggles of the time is both shallow and mischievous. If the clergy of all denomina. tions abstain from influencing the political life of the nation the mainsprings of national progress are likely to become unspiritualized.

2. The extent to which their influence should be exerted will depend entirely upon circumstances, and should be in the support of principles without regard to parties.

I consider that the sacred ministry, so far from emancipating an intelligent Englishman from participating in the responsibilities of political life, accentuates his obligations as a citizen of heaven to raise his voice against state permitted vices, which tend to undermine the stability of the com monwealth; and though he may lose popularity among lukewarm temporizers who would prefer to hear in their pulpits echoes of their own opinions, his ministry unquestionably gains in real power if he has the courage solemnly to proclaim, even in the midst of the excitement of a contested election

IN the Deutsche Rundschau for December Prof. TC. Arendt gives much interesting information concerning the position of women in China. His pictures of the domestic and social life of Chinese women are the result of personal observation in the country, supplemented by the study of Chinese lit. erature ; but, it must be understood, it is of North China in particular that he writes, and he goes into great detail in describing the marriage customs.

Woman's lot in China cannot be called an enviable one. As soon as she makes her appearance in the world she is received with less joy than if she had been a son: yet the affection of the Chinese for their children is, on the whole, one of their favorable characteristics, and the little daughter does not come to much harm during the first few years of her life. Till she is about twelve she has much the same freedom as her brother, though she must, at the same time, undergo some training in the duties of housekeeping and in fine needlework.

Her mental training is, however, greatly neg. lected. If we follow the Chinese girl further on her way through life we see her in sad and friend. less circumstances. At the age of twelve she is banished from society, to become, as the Chinese put it, “the young girl who sits in the house," and to look forward to the day when she will be given to a husband whom she in all probability has never before seen.

The marriage customs and ceremonies are very curious. When the married pair first enter their own apartments the bridegroom removes with his own hand the red silk veil in which the bride has been enveloped, and he sees his wife's face for the first time. They salute each other ceremoniously before they sit down. The other women present then invite the young pair to partake of food. And what is the lot of the wife after she takes up her abode in her new home? She must obey both her husband and her mother-in-law ; she may not come into contact with men or the outside world ; she may not go to public amusements or to the theatre, and she cannot read. She has to sit alone in her room while her husband entertains his guests, but she may receive her lady friends and return their visits. In a third chapter Professor Arendt gives us a more pleasing picture of the Chinese woman in the capacity of mother.

county council should be the supreme local authority, with either district councils or parish councils acting under it and sending delegates to it, but there should not be both parish and district councils.

Mr. Bear is in favor of district councils. He thinks it would be highly dangerous to the peace and welfare of the rural community to commit any considerable powers to the parish councils. Mr. Bear thinks that the worst of foreign competition is now over, and that an era of moderate prosperity for agriculture is now beginning. Nothing would more rapidly increase the demand for labor than a real and effective Tenant Right Act, giving security for the capital of farmers invested in their homes.

Mrs. Batson, writing on “Hodge at Home," pleads for two things, which are not often coupled together. first, that the laborer should be deprived of his beer, and, secondly, that he should be encouraged to marry as soon as possible. Twenty-three is better than twenty-five, but twenty is better than either.

WHAT TO DO FOR THE BRITISH LABORER. IN the Nineteenth Century Lord Thring writes, as 1 is his wont, intelligently and lucidly as to what is necessary to be done in order to settle the English land question. His own summary of his paper is to be found in the following paragraph, which should be committed to heart by parliamentary candidates in every rural constituency at the coming election :

“Comparatively small amendments of the statute. book would remove the legal obstacles in the way of a complete scheme of improvement. Arouse the revenue authorities and the board of agriculture, and you have brought into the market from time to time parcels of land of a size eminently adapted to the wants of the laborer. Moreover, they will not be huddled together in large, unmanageable lumps, but distributed in small holdings throughout the rural parishes. Create district registers of title by making every county council a register office for titles and a sale office of land, and you have the machinery for selling the land. Make the post-office an advertising instrument, and their officers collectors of the instalments of purchase-money, and there arises a complete organization for bringing home to the peasant a knowledge of the land he can buy, and a perception of the easy mode in which he can acquire that land, pay the purchase money, and deal with it cheaply.

“Create village councils, and you invest the peasant with a status which will give him an in terest in his village, and a position which he will not readily exchange for that of a town resident. It is not, however, the interest of the well-to do laborer which is alone to be considered. Dives and Lazarus may well both claim sympathy. Make it the duty of the parish in the first instance, and of the county council as a secondary authority, to assert the right of the public to the footpaths and the roadside wastes, and the blessing of the artist, the stranger, and the ploughman shall rest on the head of the government who cares for such things, small in themselves, but large in their effects."

From a Farmer's Point of View. Mr. W. E. Bear, who follows Lord Thring, discusses the proposals of both political parties with consider able severity and impartiality. He maintains that the less power the parish council has in the taking and letting of land the better it will be. The

LABOR TROUBLES IN NEW ZEALAND. IN the Economic Journal (British) for December 1 Mr. Charlewood gives a very interesting account of the way in which the strike in New Zealand, which grew out of the Australian strike against the shipping companies, was defeated :

“Before the strike broke out here the price of produce at Sydney was rapidly advancing to famine rates, and naturally our farmers were anxious to reap the benefits. The strikers, therefore, at once had the farmers arrayed against them, and it was mainly owing to their assistance that the Union Company won such a complete victory.

“Immediately after the Seamen's Union called out their men from the Union Company's steamers, the wharf laborers went out, and the whole work of the port was carried on by volunteers and free laborers. For a week the scene in port was a novel one. Men of independent means, members of athletic clubs, bank clerks, schoolmasters, etc., were to be seen loading and unloading ballast, coal, and general cargo, shunting trucks on the wharves-in fact, carrying on the whole work of the port. It was astonishing how soon they adapted themselves to their new work; for the first two days there was naturally considerable confusion, but after that the work was carried on in the most orderly manner.”

Curiously enough, the unionist strikers had no objection to the volunteers, and did not treat them with the same severity that they showed to the nonunion workmen. The strike, however, was utterly defeated ; and although the labor candidates carried all before them at the polls the leaders of the strike were not among those who were returned to Parliament.

IN the Preussische Lahrbücher of December there

is a very instructive article on Japan, written à propos of Karl Rathgen’s new book, “ Japan's Political Economy and State Housekeeping.” Such

a spectacle as that of an Asiatic people suddenly

THE FOLLY OF NUMBERS. throwing off its ancient customs like an old dress,

How Are Nations to be Fed in Time of War? while several European states still carefully preserve their old and antiquated forms of government, has

I E SPECTATEUR MILITAIRE, alluding to the never before been witnessed.

L speeches made on November 5 in the French

Chamber of Deputies by Le Vicomte de Montfort LESSONS FOR A YOUNG MAN'S LIFE. and M. Raiberti, takes the former to task for IN the Young Man for January Prof. John Stuart speaking somewhat contemptuously of the “ folly of T Blackie publishes an interesting article on rem- numbers,” which, having swept over the whole face iniscences of his youth. Like a lady's letter, the of Europe, makes it necessary for France to recogmost important part of it is in the postscript, in nize numbers as a factor of primary importance in which he sets down a few of the rules of conduct face of the armaments of her neighbors. Le Specta. which have guided him through life, and which he teur Militaire considers that what M. de Montfort has no doubt may have contributed largely to any characterizes as the “folly of numbers" should praiseworthy work that he has been able, in the really be looked upon as a sentiment of precaution ; course of a long life, to achieve.

and that any government which failed to impose " I. Never indulge the notion that you have any on all its citizens without distinction the obligaabsolute right to choose the sphere or the circum tion of military service would lamentably neglect stances in which you are to put forth your powers the responsibility which rests upon it, to take, as far of social action ; but let your daily wisdom of life be as possible, all needful measures for guaranteeing in making a good use of the opportunities given you. the country against defeat and possible annihilation.

“II. We live in a real, and a solid, and a truthful The real folly is not in organizing the military world. In such a world only truth, in the long run, forces of the country, but in overlooking the fact can hope to prosper. Therefore avoid lies, mere that even in time of war the country must live. show and sham, and hollow superficiality of all The women, children, and the aged, all those, in kinds, which is at the best a painted lie. Let what fact, who do not march against the enemy, have ever you are, and whatever you do, grow out of a needs which must be satisfied in order to insure firm root of truth and a strong soil of reality.

their existence. Who, then, is to supply their im“III. The nobility of life is work. We live in a perative needs when the whole of the youth, and working world. The lazy and idle man does not even those of mature years, are under arms and en. count in the plan of campaign. “My Father work gaged with the enemy? This, surely, is a grave and eth hitherto, and I work.' Let that text be enough. difficult problem, to which no one appears bitherto

"IV. Never forget St. Paul's sentence, 'Love is the to have paid attention before M. Raiberti raised the fulfilling of the law.' This is the steam of the social question in the sitting of November 5 by askmachine.

ing: “What is to become, when the nation has set * V. But the steam requires regulation. It is reg. out, of the country left behind ? ... The war ulated by intelligence and moderation. Healthy ac will support those who go; but who will support tion is always a balance of forces, and all extremes those who do not go? The men over forty-five years are dangerous; the excess of a good thing being of age will remain by their own firesides; but how often more dangerous in its social consequences than many are they? ... They number 3,015, 000 men the excess of what is radically bad.

between the ages of forty-five and sixty. But how “ VI. Do one thing well. “Be a whole man,' as are these 3,015, 000, who no longer possess the Chancellor Thurlow said. “To one thing at one time.' strength and endurance of youth, to carry out siMake clean work and leave no tags. Allow no de- multaneously their own work and the work of the lays when you are at a thing ; do it, and be done four million absentees? How are these three million

men to feed the remaining thirty-five or thirty-six " VII. Avoid miscellaneous reading. Read nothing millions ?” that you do not care to remember; and remember Surely, the true folly of numbers lies in the exagnothing you do not mean to use.

geration of the obligation to military service pre"VIII. Never desire to appear clever and make a scribed by the law of 1889, which extended this show of your talents before men. Be honest, lov- obligation up to the age of forty-five years. The ing, kindly, and sympathetic in all you say and do. law of 1872, which was gravely imperfect in many Cleverness will flow from you naturally, if you have respects, was yet wise enough not to impose this it; and applause will come to you unsought from obligation on French citizens over forty years of those who know what to applaud ; but the applause age. Now, it seems extremely probable that the of fools is to be shunned.

concurrence of all between forty and forty-five will " IX. Above all things avoid fault-finding and a be indispensable to insure, with those still older, habit of criticism. Let your rule in reference to the existence of that portion of the nation which your social sentiments be simply this. pray for the remains in the country after the departure of the bad, pity the weak, enjoy the good, and reverence army ; and it is not even absolutely certain that the both the great and the small, as playing each his war will be able to support the army. Under some. part aptly in the divine symphony of the universe. " what similar circumstances the National Convention

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