infantry brigade at Stettin; and, in 1881, he commanded the Guards' Brigade at Berlin. His next grade was won in December, 1882, when he became Lieutenant-General in command of the 30th Division at Metz.

In March, 1883, passing from the Army to the Navy, he succeeded Von Stosch as Chief of the Admiralty. In this position he made many friends in the Reichstag, and displayed considerable talent in organizing an arm of the service with which he had little previous acquaintance. He did not favor any considerable increase of the naval forces.

He resigned his naval command after the death of William I., owing, it is said, to a trifling dispute with Prince William, the present Emperor, at an officers' dinner at Kiel, concerning who should sit at the table next to the Prince. He was again assigned to army service, being given charge of the roth or Hanoverian Army Corps, one of the finest bodies in the German

service.

The present Emperor had abundant chances to study General Caprivi's character and methods, during the army manœuvres in the autumn of 1889. That the General is a man of considerable military ability, his advancement clearly shows; and it is also apparent that he commanded the respect and confidence of William I., and of his successors.

On the retirement of Bismarck early in 1890 (see Vol. I., p. 10), General Caprivi was called to the highest office in the State. In this action, the young Emperor followed the idea of Frederick the Great, that a general is the best conductor of a foreign policy, because he best knows how far he can go with the army behind him.

In physical appearance, Caprivi bears a strong resemblance to his great predecessor, Prince Bismarck. He is slightly bigger than the Iron Chancellor, in stature and breadth of shoulders. His head and face are round, the forehead very broad and high. He has strong, penetrating eyes, massive eyebrows, a straight, well-proportioned nose, and a resolute mouth under a luxuriant gray moustache. Notwithstanding the set air of severity

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and sternness engendered by a military life, the physiognomist will readily discover in his features the indications of humor and kindliness, which qualities are notably absent from the features of Bismarck. If Lavater's doctrine be not false, Caprivi would spare even in the heat of battle, while Bismarck would strike even in the plenitude of success.

Caprivi has a host of warm admirers in Fatherland, who not only consider him a soldier of the first rank, but also a remarkably able statesman. Of the latter claim, however, his two years' experience as Chancellor, which office he still holds, and as Prime Minister of Prussia, which office he has lately resigned, does not afford adequate proof. In military affairs he is undoubtedly a man of great courage and force of character, combining sagacity with patience, resolution with hearty good humor, and German thoroughness and directness with Italian ardor. But, even if Caprivi possessed more than ordinary ability as a statesman, he would necessarily be overshadowed by the unique and powerful personality of his immediate predecessor. To this disadvantage, may be added the undoubted fact that the young Emperor has totally disregarded his father's example of leaving the conduct of civil affairs to his Chancellor. In all matters relating to the Army, William I. had strong opinions, and acted resolutely. With regard to other questions, he chose to be guided by Bismarck and other Ministers in whom he had confidence. William II., on the contrary, has views of his own in regard to both military and civil affairs, and does not find it easy to give way even in affairs of secondary importance. In short, as Bismarck pithily expressed it when he resigned, the Emperor intends to be his own Chancellor. Under such circumstances, only a genius could shine.

In his role of Chancellor, Caprivi has had no great crises to face in which he could take any initiative. He seems to be perfectly content to follow the ideas and policy of his master. In his inaugural address to the Prussian Diet, in April, 1890, he took a roseate view of the German future, and paid a mark

In the negotiations that led to the present commercial union between Germany, Austria-Hungary, and Italy

This speech was transparently inspired by the Emperor himself, who thus endeavored to get even with Bismarck for his opposition to the Imperial schemes of reform. While William I. reigned, the Iron Chancellor enforced a rule that Cabinet Ministers should communicate with the Crown only through himself. This rule was very inconvenient, because Bismarck was frequently absent from Berlin for his health. On the memorable occasion when the Emperor wished to learn the details of Bismarck's interview with Dr Windthorst, the leader of the Catholic party in the Reichstag, and a strong opponent of the anti-Socialist laws, roused the Chancellor from his bed, and requested a report, the disagreement reached its height, and the resignation followed.

Caprivi's maiden speech in the Reichstag on the appropriation for the expenses of the East African expedition, also entirely reflected the Emperor's views. It referred to the necessity of Germany continuing her African policy, which, he urged, should be advanced by the aid of the bullet, because slavery on the Dark Continent would not cease until all the slave dealers were killed. The Government was resolved to proceed hand in hand with England.

The bill for increasing the strength of the Army brought Von Moltke, then extremely old and feeble, to the Reichstag. After the great General had spoken in favor of the bill, Caprivi followed, taking the same ground, and also condemning shorter service in the Army. The bill passed the Reichstag by a bare majority of four; but Dr. Windthorst's resolution for a reduction in the term of service, was adopted.

which includes also Belgium and Switzerland, General Caprivi took an active part. The Emperor was SO pleased with the results, that he rewarded his services by creating him a Count of the Empire (see Vol. I., p.489).

Even as far back as the time of the triumph of the Social Democracy, in 1890, the Emperor was preparing an elaborate scheme of educational reform, including physical training, which he has lately endeavored to make a law. The bill was partly opposed by Bismarck. Caprivi and the Minister of Education recently championed the Primary Education bill in the Landtag, by the Emperor's direction. Dr. Miquel, the Minister of Finance, was opposed to the bill, and tendered his resignation. The Emperor was forced to pause, and was finally obliged to withdraw the measure. (See chapter on German Affairs in this number, p. 46.)

The Education bill was opposed by three-fourths of the Protestants of Germany, as an infringement upon religious liberty, because it gave to ecclesiastics control over primary education. To pass the bill by Catholic votes would have given affront to all Protestant Germany, and would have left the Government in a minority in both the Landtag and Reichstag. The bill was opposed by the Liberals, because it would force parents who profess no religious creed, to allow their children to be educated in creeds approved by the Government.

The only way out of the difficulty was to drop the bill altogether. Count von Eulenberg, Grand Marshal of the Court, accepted the office of Prussian Prime Minister on condition that the bill should be abandoned; and Caprivi stepped down and out as a figure-head in Prussian politics. He is still, however, Chancellor of the Empire.

Constitutional government has obtained new strength by Bismarck's retirement; and the cause of liberty will be advanced by the growing weakness of Imperialism, however wellmeaning.

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THE BEHRING SEA DISPUTE. OTHING but the determination displayed by the British and American Governments in insisting upon their respective claims in Behring Sea, could have sustained the popular interest in an international dispute so long protracted. Now that by mutual consent the ultimate set tlement of the controversy has been transferred from the parties interested to an independent tribunal of arbitration, Britons and Americans are equally anxious that the presentation of the case for final adjustment shall proceed as rapidly as is consistent with safety to their mutual interests.

When our last number went to press, it will be remembered (see p. 5), that although a treaty providing for arbitration had been concluded, yet no close season arrangement had been made. Several communications had passed to and fro on the matter, the American dispatches being quite urgent in tone, in view of the near approach of active sealing operations, and the British dispatches laying stress upon the damages which would result to Canadian sealers from a suspension of the sealing industry. On several occasions since the question of liability for damages was first raised by Lord Salisbury in February, 1891 (see P. 4), that question has delayed the

VOL. II.-9.

progress of negotiations; and, up to the present time, so far as damages. incurred prior to the ratification of the Treaty of Arbitration are concerned, the two Governments have failed to come to any agreement. Lord Salisbury persistently disclaims all such liability on the part of Great Britain, except for damages traceable directly to action taken by his Government, as distinguished from the acts of individual British subjects.

The question of damages which may result from the enforcement of a close season pending actual arbitration, has, however, proved easier of settlement. On April 18, Secretary Blaine and Sir Julian Pauncefote concluded a new modus vivendi, providing for a close season, as did that of 1891 (see Vol. I., p. 217), but embodying the additional feature of a damage clause. The new agreement was immediately sent to the Senate, and, by the afternoon of the following day (April 19), had passed the Committee on Foreign Relations, been reported back, and been formally approved and ordered to be published.

The terms of the new modus vivendi comprise seven articles. The first four are a repetition of the articles of the old agreement, with the exception that the first article assigns no definite date for the expiration of the convention, but says that the close