between France and the Congo Free State for the regulation of the northern and eastern boundaries of the latter, are suspended; and the French request for an evacuation of the contested territories remains unanswered. The French authorities have now themselves admitted that the death of M. de Poumayrac (p. 232) cannot be attributed to the agents of the Congo State.

France and Liberia have just come to an understanding as to their mutual claims on the Ivory and Grain Coasts. Liberia's rights to certain points on the Grain Coast are recognized by France; and Liberia gives up her claims on the coast east of the mouth of the Cavally. Inland the frontier follows the course of the Cavally up to its junction with the Firedougouba. Thence it follows the heights of the Firedougouba basin to the British frontier of Sierra Leone.

The French Mission to Morocco.

In the natural course of events, it seems inevitable that, sooner or later, the European Powers must take a hand in shaping the internal affairs of Morocco. Not necessarily by direct political interference-for such an attempt by any one nation would probably involve a European war; and even the combined action of the Powers, were it attempted, would be opposed by the natives, and would probably rouse all the Mahometan races of North Africa to resist the Christian invasion-but by the more peaceable, and possibly more effectual, methods of commercial intercourse. The development of European industry within the last fifteen years, the need of new markets for manufacture and of new fields for the production of raw materials, have recently directed the attention of the Powers to the advantageous field offered by the fine climate and abundant natural resources of Morocco. Centuries before our era, Morocco was the seat of a vigorous civilization; but, while the adventurous spirit of European enterprise has shed light upon most of the dark places of Central Africa, up to a short time ago the Moorish dominions had remained almost a sealed book, and quite un

affected by the intrusion of European civilization.

The barriers have already begun to fall, however. In June, 1890, a convention was arranged whereby Germany secured a monopoly of the export trade in cereals (see Vol. I., p. 25). And now the French have been successful where recently the British utterly failed. The fruitless mission of Sir Charles Euan-Smith (p. 230) was followed by the more effective mission of the Comte d'Aubigny. Sir Charles has been practically recalled by his own Government, the British Legation in Morocco being now in charge of his successor, Mr. Elliott, a former Secretary of the British Embassy at St. Petersburg.

Comte d'Aubigny, with the other members of the Special French Mission, entered Fez on October 3. His negotiations with the Moorish Sultan continued, with a few temporary interruptions, until December 5. Several of his proposals were absolutely rejected. The Sultan refused the proposed concession for the construction of a Morocco-Algerian frontier railway. He also firmly denied all the requests of a political character made by the French Minister, which embraced a Franco-Moorish offensive and defensive alliance. Having no fleet or army fit to cope with the trained forces of the European Powers, the Sultan realized that the ultimate effect of the proposed political arrangement would be to place himself under the tutelage of the French Government. He however granted important commercial concessions. The Moorish duties on many imports from France were reduced; the embargo upon the exportation of several Moorish products, such as tan-bark and cork, was removed; and the construction of water-works, sanitary improvements, and good roads, in the Tangier district, was authorized. The arrangements were to go into force on the last day of the year.

These advantages conceded to France will be reaped to some extent by all Europe. They will serve to increase trade with Morocco, and to pave the way for a complete removal of the barriers hitherto standing in

the way of intercourse with this important portion of the Dark Continent.

The Uganda Question.

The foreign policy of Great Britain regarding her African possessions, and particularly Uganda, still occupies a prominent place in public attention. The British Government, we have Lord Rosebery's word for it, does not view the matter indifferently; and its refusal, up to the present time, to commit itself to any line of ultimate action, is due to the fact that the issues are so important, while knowledge of the actual conditions of the territory is so inadequate, that hasty action would not be consistent with enlightened statesmanship. "Having put our hands to the plough," said the Foreign Secretary recently, we shall not be able, even if we are willing, to look back."

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The evacuation of Uganda by the British East Africa Company, which, but for the intervention of the Government, would have occurred on the last day of the year, has been postponed until March 31, 1893. Realizing that dangers might arise from the immediate carrying out of the Company's intentions, the British Government, on September 30 last, "with a view to facilitate the safe evacuation by the Company, which is rendered necessary by their financial position," announced that it would assist the Company by a grant of £12,000 to prolong the occupation for three months. This offer was accepted by the Directors of the Company; and the proposed evacuation was accordingly postponed.

It is not improbable that the delay thus secured may be the means of averting the consequences of a total abandonment. For, although it is officially announced that the evacuation by the Company on March 31 next will not be interfered with, the Imperial Government has, in the meantime (December 1), appointed a Commissioner of its own to visit Uganda, to report on the actual state of affairs there and the best means of dealing with the country. Sir Gerald Portal, the British Agent and Consul-General in Zanzibar, has been chosen for this

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important mission. He will be accompanied by several British officers. and a force of 500 of the trained soldiers of the Sultan of Zanzibar. He is a man of energy and courage, as well as experience, as he showed in the expedition to Abyssinia some years ago. His presence in Uganda with a considerable force will doubtless avert much of the disorder which would otherwise accompany the process of evacuation. The news of his appointment has already allayed much of the fear entertained as to the fate of the missions during the interval. Captain Williams, who was charged to govern Uganda after the departure of Captain Lugard to England some months ago, has been compelled through ill health to quit his post; but Major Smith has succeeded him, and there are other officers on the spot able to protect the Christians until the arrival of stronger forces.

The ultimate policy of the British Government regarding Uganda cannot yet, of course, be known. Some of Lord Rosebery's colleagues are uncompromisingly opposed to continued occupation; but these views are not entertained by the Foreign Secretary himself. On October 20, speaking to a deputation from the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society, who urged the Government, for the sake of their cause, to establish a protectorate over Uganda, and to guarantee the interest on the sum needed to construct a railway from the Victoria Nyanza to the coast, he referred to Uganda "as a country of great possibilities, as the key, perhaps, of Central Africa, as commanding the Nile basin;" and assured his visitors that the great cause they represented must occupy a commanding position among the considerations to be weighed by the Government before a final decision could be reached. It is considered probable that when the Company withdraws, an Imperial Commissioner, with Imperial forces, will take its place, and that the only departure from Lord Salisbury's policy will be the substitution of direct occupation by the Government in place of indirect occupation through a chartered company.

BRITISH POLITICS.
OT until Mr. Gladstone rises in

N° his place in Parliament to ex

plain the provisions of his new Home Rule measure, is it probable that the central question of British politics will assume any phase essentially new. In all its bearings, the general principle of the proposed concession to Ireland has been discussed at such tedious length that popular interest has somewhat lagged. There has, however, been no lessening of anxiety in Cabinet circles; and, although the public are not admitted "behind the scenes," it is evident that all is not perfect harmony there. There are even stories-mere rumors they are yet-of serious Cabinet dissensions caused by the stand taken by the moderate Members in favor of a half-way Home Rule bill. Such a bill the Parnellites declare they will not accept; and the expressed opinion of the Anti-Parnellite faction on this point is hardly more conciliatory. A measure of sweeping concessions, sacrificing in any degree the supremacy of the Imperial Parliament, would, on the other hand, be a violation of Liberal pledges to the English people. These are the two horns of the Irish dilemma; and it yet remains to be seen what disposition Mr. Gladstone will make of them. Whatever way the various parties may act, the year 1893 can scarcely fail to be one of the most memorable in the current history of the United Kingdom. So many interests are involved in the Irish question that the final result may be widely different from any guess which the controversy has hitherto suggested.

In its principal details, the Home Rule bill has already been drafted, and preparations for the coming session are practically complete. In the latter part of November, there was published in America the outline of a scheme purporting to embody the provisions of the new measure; but its

authenticity was immediately denied by Mr. Herbert Gladstone and the Marquis of Ripon. Nor have the public, as yet, been other than partially taken into the confidence of the Cabinet. The general opinion is that the measure will prove to be one of a comparatively moderate character; but Lord Ripon, the Colonial Secretary, speaking at the Eighty Club on November 30, declared that it would not be less extensive than the bill of 1886.

There have been several contested

by-elections; but Mr. Gladstone's majority has not been practically affected thereby. In South Leeds, rendered vacant by the elevation of Sir Lyon Playfair to the Peerage, the Liberal majority of 1,535 at the general election was reduced to 948, Mr. Lawson Walton being the successful Liberal candidate. Similarly, in South Bedfordshire, the Liberal majority of over a thousand given at the general election to Mr. Cyril Flower, also recently raised to the Peerage, was reduced to 242 at the return of his Liberal successor, Mr. Whitmore. On the death of Mr. Winterbotham, East Gloucestershire was lost outright by the Liberals, Mr. Lawson, of the Daily Telegraph being defeated by Colonel Chester-Master by the narrow majority of three votes. The petition against the return of Mr. Balfour for East Manchester, was dismissed on November 17; but several other Conservative Members have been unseated on various charges. On November 19, Mr. James, Conservative M. P. for Walsall, a constituency which until the late general election had for over fifty years been a Liberal stronghold, was unseated owing to irregularities committed by his agents. A similar fate befel N. G. Clayton, M. P. for the Hexham Division of Northumberland, Sir P. Pryce-Jones, M. P. for the Montgomery District, and H. D. Davies, representing Rochester, all of them being Conservatives.

Besides the Irish problem, two other

topics have had a fair share of attention during the recess-the Uganda matter, and the demonstrations of the unemployed in Trafalgar Square, London. The African policy of the Cabinet, our readers will find fully treated elsewhere in this number (p. 355). On October 19, Mr. H. H. Asquith, the Home Secretary, announced, in reply to a deputation from several Radical associations, that he would allow meetings to be held in Trafalgar Square under certain conditions on Sundays, Saturday afternoons, and Bank Holidays. The first great demonstration of the unemployed under the new order was held on November 5, and passed off without disorder. This was followed by several others; but public interest was soon absorbed by the progress of eventselsewhere; and even the Radicals and Socialists, at whose urgent importunities the gatherings were permitted, declared

that they considered themselves in no degree indebted to the Home Secretary.

The adoption of a new program by the Conservative Associations at a conference held in Edinburgh early in November,

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reference to cases where destitution is caused by incapacity for work resulting from old age. This question of old-age pensions, over a year ago, had deeply engaged Mr. Joseph Chamberlain, who drew up a definite scheme for its solution.

THE IRISH AGITATION.

Without unanimity among the Irish Nationalists, the piloting of a Home Rule bill through the House of Commons as at present constituted is a task from which even the parliamentary skill of a Gladstone might well shrink. Strenuous efforts have been made of late toward reconciliation between the two factions, or, failing this,

was an important political event indicating the growth of democratic sentiment. The program includes reform of electoral registration, equalization of votes, and a reduction of the period of occupancy required to qual ify voters. It is even more democratic than the Newcastle program in admitting popular control of party legislation, and in the independence of opinion it allows in the case of professed Unionists.

The question of Poor Law Relief is agitating the public mind with increasing persistence. It has already engaged the attention of the Government, who, toward the end of December, appointed a Royal Commission to look into the question with special

a working agreement in Parliament; but, up to the present time, the enmity which began before. Mr. Parnell's death with the revelations of the Divorce Court, and which was embittered by the almost tragic demise of that leader, has raged with unabated fury. Fanned by the inflammatory articles. in rival sections of the press, fed by that rancorous hatred which is no uncommon feature of disputes that take on a religious character, it has hitherto been persistently maintained. Mr. T. M. Healy's presence in the McCarthyite councils is still, as it has long been, a bar to reunion; but Mr. Healy, with the support of a considerable section of the clergy, refuses to retire even temporarily, notwithstanding the importunities of Messrs. Dillon, O'Brien, and Sexton. Even regarding the Paris fund, the hopes entertained a short time ago for an agreement, seem to have disappeared. It had been agreed, we are told, to release the funds, to vest them in the hands of three trusees, and to distribute the money among the evicted tenants; but the action of the Paris bankers, who now refuse to release