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your Washington and our Wellington. He was like them also in this, that the word “ can't ” did not exist in his soldier's dictionary, and that all that he achieved was accomplished without bluster and without parade.

After the surrender at Appomattox, the war of the Secession was over.

It was a mighty work, and Grant had done it mightily. Surely the light of God, which manifests all things in the slow history of their ripening, has shown that for the future destinies of a mighty nation it was a necessary and a blessed work. The Church hurls her most indignant anathema at unrighteous war, but she has never refused to honor the faithful soldier who fights in the cause of his country and his God. The gentlest and most Christian of poets has used the tremendous words that

“God's most dreaded instrument,
In working out a pure intent,
Is man-arrayed for mutual slaughtor;
Yea, carnage is his daughter."

We shudder even as we quote the words; but yet the cause for which Grant fought — the unity of a great people, the freedom of a whole race of mankind - was as great and noble as that when at Lexington the embattled farmers fired the shot which was heard round the world. The South has accepted that desperate and bloody arbitrament. Two of the Southern generals will bear General Grant's funeral pall. The rancor and the fury of the past are buried in oblivion. True friends have been made out of brave foemen, and the pure glory and virtue of Lee and of Stonewall Jackson will be part of the common national heritage with the fame of Garfield and of Grant.

As Wellington became Prime Minister of England, and was hooted in the streets of London, so Grant, more than half against his will, became President, and for a time lost


much of his popularity. He foresaw it all; but it is for a man not to choose, rather to accept his destiny. What verdict history will pronounce on him as a politician I know not; but here and now the voice of censure, deserved and undeserved, is silent. When the great Duke of Marlborough died, and one began to speak of his avarice, “ He was so great a man,” said Bolingbroke, “ that I had forgotten he had that fault."

It was a fine and delicate rebuke; and ours at any rate geed not be the “feeble hands iniquitously just " which rake ap a man's faults and errors. Let us write his virtues “ brass for man's example; let his faults, whatever they may have been, be written in water.' The satirist has said how well it would have been for Marius if he had died as he stepped from the chariot of his Cimbric victory; for Pompeius, if he had died after his Mithridatic war. And some may think how much happier it would have been for General Grant had he died in 1865, when steeples clashed and cities were illuminated, and congregations rose in his honor. Many and dark clouds overshadowed the evening of his days the blow of financial ruin, the dread of a tarnished reputation, the terrible agony of an incurable disease.

To bear that sudden ruin and that speechless agony required a courage nobler and greater than that of the battlefield, and human courage rose to the heightof human calamity. In ruin, in sorrow, on the lingering deathbed, Grant showed himself every inch a hero, bearing his agonies and trials without a murmur, with rugged stoicism, and unflinching fortitude, and we believe with a Christian prayer and peace. Which of us can tell whether those hours of torture and misery may not have been blessings in disguise ?

We are gathered here to do honor to his memory. Could we be gathered in a more fitting place? We do not lack here memorials to recall the history of your country. There is the grave of André; there is the monument raised by grateful Massachusetts to the gallant Howe; there is the tempo rary resting-place of George Peabody; there is the bust of Longfellow; over the Dean's grave there is the faint semblance of Boston harbor.

We add another memory to-day. Whatever there be between the two nations to forget and to forgive, it is forgotten and it is forgiven. “I will not speak of them as two peoples,” said General Grant in 1877, “ because in fact we are one people with a common destiny, and that destiny will be brilliant in proportion to the friendship and co-operation of the brethren dwelling on each side of the Atlantic."

If the two peoples which are one people be true to their duty, true to their God, who can doubt that in their hands are the destinies of the world? Can anything short of utter dementation ever thwart a destiny so manifest? Your founders were our sons. It was from our past that your present grew. The monument of Sir Walter Raleigh is not thatnamelessgrave in St. Margaret's; it is the State of Virginia.• Yours alike and ours are the memories of Captain John Smith and Pocahontas, of the Pilgrim Fathers, of General Oglethorpe's strong benevolence of soul, of the mission labors of Eliot and Brainerd, of the apostolic holiness of Berkeley, and the burning zeal of Wesley and Whitefield. Yours alike and ours are the plays of Shakespeare and the poems of Milton; ours alike and yours all that you have accomplished in literature or in history the wisdom of Franklin and Adams, the eloquence of Webster, the song of Longfellow and Bryant, the genius of Hawthorne and Irving, the fame of Washington, Lee, and Grant.

It was

But great memories imply great responsibilities. not for nothing that God has made England what she is; not for nothing that the “free individualism of a busy multitude, the humble traders of a fugitive people,” snatched the New World from feudalism and from bigotry -- from Philip II and Louis XIV; from Menendez and Montcalm; from the Jesuit and the Inquisition; from Torquemada and from Richelieu — to make it the land of the Reformation and the Republic, of prosperity and of peace. “ Let us auspicate all our proceedings on America," said Edmund Burke," with the old Church cry, sursum corda.It is for America to live up to the spirit of such words. We have heard of

New times, now climes, now lands, new men; but still

The same old tears, old crimes, and oldest ill."

It is for America to falsify the cynical foreboding. Leti her take her place side by side with England in the very van of freedom and of progress. United by a common language, by common blood, by common memories, by a common history, by common interests, by common hopes, united by the common glory of great men, of which this temple of silence and reconciliation is the richest shrine, be it the steadfast purpose of the two peoples who are one people to show to all the world not only the magnificent spectacle of human happiness, but the still more magnificent spectacle of two peoples who are one people loving righteousness and hating iniquity, inflexibly faithful to the principles of eternal justice, which are the unchanging law of God.



(EORGE JOACHIM GOSCHEN, a distinguished English statesman, was

born in London, of German parentage, August 10, 1831, and educated at Rugby and Oriel colleges, Oxford. After leaving the university in 1853 he engaged at once in mercantile life, giving especial attention to financial questions and becoming vice-president of the board of trade and a director of the Bank of England. In 1863 he entered Parliament as a Liberal mem. ber for London, and was very active in agitation for opening the universities to dissenters, and the abolition of religious tests. He was a privy councillor in 1865, chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster in 1866, president of the poor law board, 1868-71, and first lord of the admiralty, 1871-74. In 1876 Goschen and Joubert were sent to Cairo as delegates of English and French holders of Egyptian bonds to arrange plans for the conversion of these debts, and in 1880, while ambagsador extraordinary to Constantinople, he secured the cession of certain territory from Turkey to Greece. On the formation of the Liberal-Unionist party in 1887 Goschen seceded from the Liberal ranks and ceased to act with Gladstone. He became chancellor of the exchequer in Lord Salisbury's administration in 1887, and in 1889 secured the success of the scheme for reduction of the interest on the national debt. In 1895 he was again appointed first lord of the admiralty. He was elected lord rector of the University of Aberdeen in 1874 and 1888, and lord rector of the University of Edinburgh, 1890. For many years he has been considered the highest living authority on finance. Among his speeches may be named Address on Education and Economic Subjects" (1885), and speeches on the “ Oxford University Tests Abolition Bill," and on “ Bankruptcy Legislation." He has published “ The Theory of Foreign Exchanges" (1863), which has passed into many editions; “ Probable Result of an Increase in the Purchasing Power of Gold” (1883).




ADDRESS these words in favor of the cultivation of the imagination to the poorest and most humble in the same

way that I address them to the wealthiest and those who have the best prospects in life. I will try not to make the mistake which doctors commit when they recommend patients ..

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