be thought dangerous to his or their elections or other interests, public or personal; that the friendless alien has been selected as the safest subject of a first experiment, but the citizen will soon follow, or rather has already followed; for, already has a sedition act marked him as a prey; that these and successive acts of the same character, unless arrested on the threshold, may tend to drive these States into revolution and blood, and will furnish new calumnies against republican governments, and new pretexts for those who wish it to be believed, that man cannot be governed but by a rod of iron; that it would be a dangerous delusion were a confidence in the men of our choice to silence our fears for the safety of our rights; that confidence is everywhere the parent of despotism; free government is found in jealousy and not in confidence; it is jealousy and not confidence which prescribes limited constitutions to bind down those whom we are obliged to trust with power; that our Constitution has accordingly fixed the limits to which, and no farther, our confidence may go; and let the honest advocate of confidence read the alien and sedition acts, and say if the Constitution has not been wise in fixing limits to the Government it created, and whether we should be wise in destroying those limits? Let him say what the Government is, if it be not a tyranny which the men of our choice have conferred on the President, and the President of our choice has assented to and accepted over the friendly strangers, to whom the mild spirit of our country and its laws had pledged hospitality and protection; that the men of our choice have more respected the bare suspicions of the President than the solid rights of innocence, the claims of justification, the sacred force of truth, and the forms and substance of law and justice, In questions of power, then, let no more be said of confidence in man, but bind him down from mischief by the chains of the Constitution. That this commonwealth does therefore call on its costates for an expression of their sentiments on the acts concerning aliens, and for the punishment of certain crimes herein before specified, plainly declaring whether these acts are or are not authorized by the Federal Compact. And it doubts not that their sense will be so announced as to prove their attachment to limited government, whether general or particular, and that the rights and liberties of their co-states will be exposed to no dangers by remaining embarked on a common bottom of their own; but they will concur with this commonwealth in considering the said acts as so palpably against the Constitution as to amount to an undisguised declaration, that the compact is not meant to be the measure of the powers of the General Government, but that it will proceed in the exercise over these States of all powers what

soever. That they will view this as seizing the rights of the States and consolidating them in the hands of the General Government, with a power assumed to bind the States (not merely in cases made federal), but in all cases whatsoever, by laws made, not with their consent, but by others against their consent; that this would be to surrender the form of government we have chosen, and live under one deriving its power from its own will, and not from our authority; and that the co-states recurring to their natural rights in cases not made federal, will concur in declaring these void and of no force, and will each unite with this commonwealth in requesting their repeal at the next session of Congress. EDMUND BULLOCK, S. H. R. JOHN CAMPBELL, S. P. T.

Passed the House of Representatives Nov. 10, 1798. THOS. TODD, C. H. R.

Attest,

HARRY TOULMIN, Sec. of State.

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, Thursday, Nov. 14, 1799. The House, according to the standing order of the day, resolved itself into a committee of the whole House, on the state of the commonwealth, Mr. Desha in the chair; and after some time spent therein, the speaker resumed the chair, and Mr. Desha reported that the committee had taken under consideration sundry resolutions passed by several State legislatures, on the subject of the Alien and Sedition laws, and had come to a resolution thereupon, which he delivered in at the clerk's table, where it was read and unanimously agreed to by the House, as follows:

The representatives of the good people of this commonwealth, in the General Assembly convened, having materially considered the answers of sundry States in the Union, to their resolutions passed the last session, respecting certain unconstitutional laws of Congress, commonly called the Alien and Sedition Laws, would be faithless, indeed, to themselves and to those they represent, were they silently to acquiesce in the principles and doctrines attempted to be maintained in all those answers, that of Virginia only excepted. To again enter the field of argument, and attempt more fully or forcibly to expose the unconstitutionality of those obnoxious laws, would, it is apprehended, be as unnecessary as unavailing. We cannot, however, but lament that, in the discussion of

those interesting subjects by sundry of the legislatures of our sister States, unfounded suggestions and uncandid insinuations, derogatory to the true character and principles of this commonwealth, have been substituted in place of fair reasoning and sound argument. Our opinions of these alarming measures of the General Government, together with our reasons for those opinions, were detailed with decency and with temper and submitted to the discussion and judgment of our fellow-citizens throughout the Union. Whether the like decency and temper have been observed in the answers of most of these States, who have denied or attempted to obviate the great truths contained in those resolutions, we have now only to submit to a candid world. Faithful to the true principles of the Federal Union, unconscious of any designs to disturb the harmony of that Union, and anxious only to escape the fangs of despotism, the good people of this commonwealth are regardless of censure or calumniation. Lest, however, the silence of this commonwealth should be construed into an acquiescence in the doctrines and principles advanced and attempted to be maintained by the said answers, or lest those of our fellow-citizens throughout the Union who so widely differ from us on those important subjects, should be deluded by the expectation, that we shall be deterred from what we conceive our duty, or shrink from the principles contained in these resolutions-therefore,

Resolved, That this commonwealth considers the Federal Union, upon the terms and for the purposes specified in the late compact, as conducive to the liberty and happiness of the several States; that it does now unequivocally declare its attachment to the Union, and to that compact, agreeably to its obvious and real intention, and will be among the last to seek its dissolution; that if those who administer the General Gov

ernment be permitted to transgress the limits fixed by that compact, by a total disregard to the special delegations of power therein contained, an annihilation of State governments and the creation upon their ruins of a general consolidated government, will be the inevitabe consequence; that the principle and construction contended for by sundry of the State legislatures, that the General Government is the exclusive

judge of the extent of the powers delegated to it, stop nothing short of despotism-since the discretion of those who administer the government, and not the Constitution would be the measure of their powers; that the several States who formed that instrument being sovereign and independent, have the unquestionable right to judge of the infraction, and that a nullification of those sovereignties of all unauthorized acts done under color of that instrument is the rightful remedy; that this commonwealth does, under

the most deliberate reconsideration, declare that the said Alien and Sedition Laws are, in their opinion, palpable violations of the said Constitution; and, however cheerfully it may be disposed to surrender its opinion to a majority of its sister States, in matters of ordinary or doubtful policy, yet in momentous regulations like the present, which so vitally wound the best rights of the citizen, it would consider a silent acquiescence as highly criminal; that although this commonwealth, as a party to the federal compact, will bow to the laws of the Union, yet it does at the same time declare that it will not now or ever hereafter, cease to oppose in a Constitutional manner every attempt at what quarter soever offered, to violate that compact. finally, in order that no pretext or arguments may be drawn from a supposed acquiescence on the part of this commonwealth in the Constitutionality of those laws, and be thereby used as precedents for similar future violations of the federal compact, this commonwealth does now enter against them in solemn protest. Extract, &c. Attest,

And,

T. TODD, C. H. R. In Senate, Nov. 22, 1799-Read and concurred in. Attest, B. THURSTON, C. S.

Replies to the Virginia Resolutions.

Seven of the States, through their legislatures, replied to the Virginia Resolutions. In every case the sentiments contained therein were denounced, and the construction placed upon the Federal Constitution by the General Government was endorsed and defended.

The Delaware Legislature declared that "they consider the resolutions from the State of Vir

ginia as a very unjustifiable interference with the

General Government and constituted authorities of the United States, and of dangerous tendency, and, therefore, not fit subject for the further consideration of the General Assembly."

The Legislature of Rhode Island cited the Constitution, second section of the third article, in support of the action of Congress, and for the reason therein contained "this Legislature, in their public capacity, do not feel themselves authorized to consider and decide on the Constitutionality of the Sedition and Alien Laws (so called); yet they are called upon by the exigency of this occasion to declare that in their private opinions these laws are within the powers delegated to Congress."

The Massachusetts Legislature deemed it "their duty solemnly to declare, that while they hold sacred the principle that consent of the people is the only pure source of just and legitimate power, they cannot admit the right of the State Legislatures to denounce the administration of that Government to which the people themselves, by a solemn compact, have exclusively committed their national concerns." , The New York Senate resolved "that while the Senate feel themselves constrained to bear unequivocal testimony against such sentiments and doctrines, they deem it a duty no less indispensable, explicitly to declare their incompetency, as a branch of the Legislature of this State, to supervise the acts of the General Government."

The sentiments of the General Assembly of Connecticut are substantially set forth in its resolutions, "that it views with deep regret, and explicitly disavows the principles contained in the aforesaid resolutions, and particularly the opposition to the 'Alien and Sedition Acts'acts which the Constitution authorized; which the exigency of the country rendered necessary; which the constituted authorities have enacted, and which merit the entire approbation of this Assembly."

The New Hampshire General Assembly considered that "the State Legislatures are not the proper tribunals to determine the Constitutionality of the laws of the General Government; that the duty of such decision is properly and exclusively confided to the Judicial Deparment."

The General Assembly of Vermont in its reply disapproved the Virginia Resolutions as being unconstitutional in their nature and dangerous in their tendency. It belongs not to the State Legislatures to decide on the Constitutionality of the laws made by the General Government, this power being exclusively vested in Judiciary Courts of the Union."

1800.

A "convention" of Republican Congressmen, held in Philadelphia in 1800, nominated Thomas Jefferson for President and adopted the first national platform ever issued by a political party

in a Presidential campaign. The Federalists, among whose leaders a serious rupture had occurred, adopted no platform.

Republican Platform.

1. An inviolable preservation of the Federal Constitution, according to the true sense in which it was adopted by the States, that in which it was advocated by its friends, and not that which its enemies apprehended, who, therefore became its enemies.

2. Opposition to monarchizing its features by the forms of its administration, with a view to conciliate a transition, first, to a President and Senate for life; and, secondly, to an hereditary tenure of those offices, and thus to worm out the elective principle.

3. Preservation to the States of the powers not yielded by them to the Union, and to the Legislature of the Union its Constitutional share in division of powers; and resistance, therefore, to existing movements for transferring all the powers of the States to the General Government, and all of those of that Government to the executive branch.

4. A rigorously frugal administration of the Government and the application of all the possible savings of the public revenue to the liquidation of the public debt; and resistance, therefore, to all measures looking to a multiplication of officers and salaries, merely to create partisans and to augment the public debt, on the principle of its being a public blessing.

5. Reliance for internal defense solely upon the militia, till actual invasion, and for such a naval force only as may be sufficient to protect our coasts and harbors from depredations; and opposition, therefore, to the policy of a standing army in time of peace which may overawe the public sentiment, and to a navy, which, by its own expenses, and the wars into which it will implicate us, will grind us with public burdens and sink us under them.

6. Free commerce with all nations, political connection with none, and little or no diplomatic establishment.

7. Opposition to linking ourselves, by new treaties, with the quarrels of Europe, entering their fields of slaughter to preserve their balance, or joining in the confederacy of kings to war against the principles of liberty.

8. Freedom of religion, and opposition to all maneuvers to bring about a legal ascendancy of one sect over another.

9. Freedom of speech and of the press; and opposition, therefore, to all violations of the Constitution, to silence, by force, and not by reason, the complaints or criticisms, just or unjust, of our citizens against the conduct of their public agents.

10. Liberal naturalization laws, under which the well disposed of all nations who may desire to embark their fortunes with us and share with us the public burdens, may have that opportunity, under moderate restrictions, for the development of honest intention, and severe ones to guard against the usurpation of our flag.

II. Encouragement of science and the arts in all their branches, to the end that the American people may perfect their independence of all foreign monopolies, institutions and influences.

1804-8-12

In 1804 and also in 1808 both Republicans and Federalists nominated Presidential candidates in Congressional caucuses, but no platform was adopted in either year. The Republicans followed the Congressional caucus plan of nominations again in 1812, but presented no platform of principles to the country. The Federalists, however, held a convention in New York. It was the first national convention of a representative partisan character held in the United States. It nominated De Witt Clinton for President and adopted what is known as the Clintonian platform.

Clintonian Platform.

1. Opposition to nominations of chief magistrates by Congressional caucuses, as well because such practices are the exercise of undelegated authority, as of their repugnance to the freedom of elections.

2. Opposition to all customs and usages in both the executive and legislative departments which have for their object the maintenance of an official regency to prescribe tenets of political faith, the line of conduct to be deemed fidelity or recreancy to republican principles, and to perpetuate in themselves or families the offices of the Federal Government.

3. Opposition to all efforts on the part of particular States to monopolize the principal offices of the Government, as well because of their certainty to destroy the harmony which ought to prevail amongst all the constituent parts of the Union, as of their leanings toward a form of oligarchy entirely at variance with the theory of republican government; and, consequently, particular opposition to continuing a citizen of Virginia in the executive office another term, unless she can show that she enjoys a corresponding monopoly of talents and patriotism, after she has been honored with the Presidency for twenty out of twenty-four years of our Constitutional existence, and when it is obvious that

the practice has arrayed the agricultural against the commercial interests of the country.

4. Opposition to continuing public men for long periods in offices of delicate trust and weighty responsibility as the reward of public services, to the detriment of all or any particular interest in, or section of, the country; and, consequently, to the continuance of Mr. Madison in an office which, in view of our pending difficulties with Great Britain, requires an incumbent of greater decision, energy and efficiency.

5. Opposition to the lingering inadequacy of preparations for the war with Great Britain now about to ensue, and to the measure which allows uninterrupted trade with Spain and Portugal, which, as it cannot be carried on under our flag, gives to Great Britain the means of supplying her armies with provisions, of which they would otherwise be destitute, and thus affording aid and comfort to our enemy.

6. Averment of the existing necessity for placing the country in a condition for aggressive action for the conquest of the British American Provinces and for the defense of our coasts and exposed frontiers; and of the propriety of such a levy of taxes as will raise the necessary funds for the emergency.

7. Advocacy of the election of De Witt Clinton as the surest method of relieving the country from all the evils existing and prospective, for the reason that his great talents and inflexible patriotism guarantee a firm and unyielding maintenance of our national sovereignty, and the protection of those commercial interests which were flagging under the weakness and imbecility of the administration.

1812-30.

After the Clintonian Platform nothing fitting the character of a national platform was presented by any party until 1830, with the single exception of resolutions adopted by the Hartford Convention, which was composed of the Federalists opposed to the War of 1812 with England. Resolutions Adopted by the Hartford Convention, January 4, 1815.

Resolved, That it be and is hereby recommended to the legislatures of the several States represented in this convention, to adopt all such measures as may be necessary effectually to protect the citizens of said States from the operation and effects of all acts which have been or may be passed by the Congress of the United States, which shall contain provisions subjecting the militia or other citizens to forcible drafts, conscriptions, or impressments not authorized by the Constitution of the United States.

Resolved, That it be and is hereby recommended to the said legislatures, to authorize an immediate and an earnest application to be made to the Government of the United States, requesting their consent to some arrangement whereby the said States may, separately or in concert, be empowered to assume upon themselves the defense of their territory against the enemy, and a reasonable portion of the taxes collected within said States may be paid into the respective treasuries thereof, and appropriated to the balance due said States, and to the future defense of the same. The amount so paid into said treasuries to be credited, and the disbursements made as aforesaid to be charged to the United States.

Resolved, That it be and hereby is recommended to the legislatures of the aforesaid States, to pass laws where it has not already been done, authorizing the governors or commanders-inchief of their militia to make detachments from the same, or to form voluntary corps, as shall be most convenient and conformable to their Constitutions, and to cause the same to be well armed, equipped, and held in readiness for service, and upon request of the governor of either of the other States, to employ the whole of such detachment or corps, as well as the regular forces of the State, or such part thereof as may be required, and can be spared consistently with the safety of the State, in assisting the State making such request to repel any invasion thereof which shall be made or attempted by the public enemy.

Resolved, That the following amendments of the Constitution of the United States be recommended to the States represented as aforesaid, to be proposed by them for adoption by the State Legislatures, and in such cases as may be deemed expedient by a Constitution chosen by the people of each State. And it is further recommended that the said States shall persevere in their efforts to obtain such amendments until the same shall be effected.

I. Representatives and direct taxes shall be apportioned among the several States which may be included within this Union, according to their respective numbers of free persons, including those bound to serve for a term of years and excluding Indians not taxed, and all other persons.

2. No new State shall be admitted into the Union by Congress, in virtue of the power granted in the Constitution, without the concurrence of two-thirds of both houses.

3. Congress shall not have power to lay an embargo on the ships or vessels of the citizens of the United States in the ports or harbors thereof for more than sixty days.

4. Congress shall not have power, without the concurrence of two-thirds of both houses, to interdict the commercial intercourse between the United States and any foreign nation or the dependencies thereof.

5. Congress shall not make nor declare war nor authorize acts of hostility against any foreign nation without the concurrence of two-thirds of both houses, except such acts of hostility be in! defense of the territories of the United States : when actually invaded.

6. No person who shall hereafter be naturalized shall be eligible as a member of the Senate or House of Representatives of the United States or capable of holding any civil office under the authority of the United States.

7. The same person shall not be elected PresiIdent of the United States a second time, nor shall the President be elected from the same State two terms in succession.

Resolved, That if the application of these States to the Government of the United States, recommended in a foregoing resolution, should be unsuccessful and peace should not be concluded, and the defense of these States should be neglected, as it has been since the commencement of the war, it will, in the opinion of this convention, be expedient for the Legislatures of the several States to appoint delegates to another convention, to meet at Boston, in the State of Massachusetts, on the third Monday of June next, with such powers and instructions as the exigency of a crisis so momentous may require.

Resolved, That the Honorable Geo. Cabot, the Honorable Chauncey Goodrich, the Honorable Daniel Lyman, or any two of them, be authorized to call another meeting of this convention, to be holden in Boston at any time before new delegates shall be chosen as recommended in the above resolution, if in their judgment the situation of the country shall urgently require it.

DECLINE OF THE FEDERALISTS.

The mystery which surrounded the Hartford Convention and the ambiguous language in which its resolutions were couched, made the name "Federalist" odious. This in connection with the speedy termination of the war of 1812 completed the downfall of the Federalist party. Since their defeat in 1800 the Federalists had been steadily going over to the Republicans. The difference between the parties had been practically removed, and there remained no important reason for the existence of two parties. Jefferson and Madison, once in power, had broken over the limitations which they had previously declared the Constitution placed upon the Federal Government. The Federalists, on the other hand, being shorn of their power, were not so desirous of a loose construction,