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A Constant Reader, on America, 790.

A Farmer, on Cheap Bread and High Taxes, 790.

Pacificator, on America, 315.

SELECTIONS FROM OTHER PUBLICATIONS.
The History of Urbain Grandier, from a Collec-
tion of French Criminal Cases published in
1787, 146, 168.

Extracts from Mr. Brand's Pamphlet on the Corn

Laws, 278.

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a Discourse on the Mutability of Ge-

vernment, respecting the Jesuits, 804.

OFFICIAL PAPERS.

SPAIN. Declaration of 13th June 1814, 19.

Political Constitution of the Cortes of 19th March,

1812, 24, 124, 254.

FRANCE. Exposition of 12th July 1814, 112.
. Report on the Liberty of the Press, 201.
Protest of the Parliament of Paris, 604.

Fort Erie, Battle of Chipawa, and Devastation
at Washington, 438.

Declaration of Independence, July 4th, 1776, 494.

Constitution of the United States, 498.

Proclamation res peeting the Destruction of Wash-

ington, 531.

Account of the Battle of Champlain, 572.

Message to Congress, Sept. 20th, 1814, 597.

Report of the State of the Navy, 666.

Correspondence at Ghent, between the American
and British Commissioners, 696.

NORWAY.-Correspondence between the minister Report of the Secretary of War, 826.

PRICES AND BANKRUPTS.

Wheat. The average price for the above period, through all England, per Winchester Bushel of &

gallons, 9s. 1d.

MEAT.-Per pound, on an average for the time above stated, as sold wholesale at Smithfield Mar

ket, not including the value of skin or offal. Beef, 74d.; Mutton, 84d.; Veal, 94d.; Pork, 104d.-
N. B. This is nearly the retail price all over the country, the Butcher's profit consisting of the skin
and offa).

LABOUR. The average pay per day of a labouring man employed in farming work, at Botley, in
Hampshire, being about a fifth higher than the wages throughout the whole country, 28.

BULLION. Standard Gold in Bars, per Oz. £4. 7s. 1d.-Standard Silver do. 58. 84d. N.B. These
are the average prices, during the above period, in Bank of England Notes. The prices in Gold and
Silver Coin are for an ounce of Gold £3. 178. 104d.; for an ounce of Silver, 5s. 2d.

FUNDS.-Average price of the Three Per Cent. Consolidated Annuities, during the above pes

riod, 65.

VOL. XXVI. No. 1.1 LONDON, SATURDAY, JULY 2, 1814. [Price 1s.

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SUMMARY OF POLITICS.

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never heard even a hint at the former having involved the latter in any way whatever. Both Mr. Cochrane Johnstone and Mr. Butt also always protested their innocence to me. They all spoke alike as to the calumnies which had been published against them. I can discover no motive for their having kept fast a secret from me, seeing that I always laughed at the idea of its being a legal offence; and that, before I saw either of them, I had said in

MR. COCHRANE JOHNSTONE. It is always an act that an honourable mind will, if possible, shun to make accusations against a man, when he is not present to answer for himself.-The public now begin to be staggered with regard to my Lord Cochrane; and, happily he has the means of yet (I write on Wednesday) obtaining a hearing, in a place where he will dare to SPEAK OUT. It is said, in the news-print, that it was a moral offence no more papers, that the pillory part of his sentence than all other gaming was immoral.— has been remitted by the Regent, who has Therefore, I am sure, that my Lord Cochcontented himself with ordering him to be rane, though he very prudently and justly struck off the list of Post Captains. This keeps his case distinct from that of the must be false, I suppose, as the time is not other gentlemen, will never be induced to yet come, in the usual course, for the re- become the accuser of his uncle.--The mitting of the part of the sentence alluded absconding of this latter is, I see, held to to; and I am very much deceived in my be a proof of his guilt. What a perversionman, if my Lord Cochrane ever asks for, of reason, what an abandonment of common or thanks any body for, any sort of pardon. sense, what an ungovernable eagerness to He cannot compel the infliction of the discover guilt, what a rage for vengeance whole of the sentence; but, I am sure, must exist, before the mind can be hurried that he will always openly protest against on to such a conclusion! To abscond receiving any thing in the way of par- after a verdict of "guilty," was certainly don. He is now placed in a situation a proof of a desire to escape fine, imto shew his true character. Before this prisonment, and pillory; it was a complete reaches the public eye, he will have laid proof of that; but how could it be a proof his case and his defence before Parliament. of guilt? If SIDNEY had escaped from If the mere record of the Court be thought the Tower, after the verdict against him, sufficient for his expulsion, he will be ex- would he have been guilty, for that, of the pelled, of course. But his efforts to main-crime laid to his charge? If he had saved tain his character need not cease there. his life, so valuable to mankind, by fleeing There are other modes; and to those other from the fangs of judicial, cold-blooded modes he will, doubtless, resort. But, murderers, would his memory have deat present, it is of his uncle, that I am about to speak. It is said, that, at any rate, he must be guilty, why else has he gone to France; and I have perceived in the Morning Chronicle, wherein the name of Mr. STUART HALL is mentioned, that it is the intention of my Lord Cochrane's friends to shew, that his Lordship has been misled by a designing individual who has absconded.I will soon dismiss this last assertion. I always understood, that Mr. Cochrane Johnstone never had any thing to do with dealings in the funds, till some months after my Lord Cochrane had. I

served execration? That he and Russell too would have escaped if they could, there is no doubt; but would they have been guilty being alive, when they were innocent being dead?It is, then, perfect nonsense to suppese, that the mere evasion of punishment is a proof of guilt. But, if it be so, why should not the remaining to receive punishment be a proof of innocence? If the absconding of Mr. Cochrane Johnstone be a proof of his guilt, the not absconding of his nephew must be a proof of his innocence.-I grant, that Mr. Coch rane Johnstone might, like his nephew,

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have remained to make, at every stage, a | against him, and that his refusal could not stand in defence of his character. But be punished by a seizure of his person, (and the public should know the fact), while he was in Parliament.– -The disMr. Cochrane Johnstone was, in other pute between him and the Government respects, diderently: situated. He has been going on nearly five years; the had had a long law-suit with the Govern- divers papers relating to it have been subment; that suit, had produced a Bill in mitted to different men eminent in the law · “Chancery, which he was: called upon to and in commerce; an arbitration was answer; he had not, and would not, several times proposed by him, and I do answer that Bill; his being in parliament not now recollect the reasons of its not protected his person from the effect of that taking place. I believe that Mr. Johnrefusal; he was pretty sure of expulsion stone told me, that Mr. Marriot, the Memafter the verdict; and, as it was utterly ber of Parliament, had had the whole case impossible for him to satisfy the demands laid before him; and, I dare say, he will of the Government, a jail for life was, in have the justice publicly to declare his all human probability, the consequence of opinion on the subject.-This, then, was his remaining to receive his sentence.- the situation of Mr. Cochrane Johnstone, His situation, therefore, was very different at the moment when a verdict of "guilty" indeed, from that of my Lord Cochrane exposed him to the loss of his seat in Paror Mr. Butt. There was, independent of liament, and to the endless consequences all considerations of guilt, or of the dread above pointed out. His conduct in Parof his sentence, a motive quite sufficient liament had not been such as to lead him to induce him to get out of the kingdom. to expect any very extraordinary degree With regard to the transaction with the of favour at the hands of those, who would Government, the thing is too long and too have had the power of pursuing him for complicated for me here to enter into it; the debt. He knew all this well; and, in and it is, too, more than four years since a word, his choice lay between quitting I have seen any paper relative to the sub- the country and the great probability of a ject, which has been what is called hung- prison for life.-Therefore, his quitting up in Chancery. It is very true, that the country; "his fleeing from justice," as Mr. Cochrane Johnstone did enter into the newspapers term it, is perfectly well speculations, that he did draw bills, that accounted for, independent of any dread of he did make bargains, unknown to the the punishment that he was to receive for · Government, and, of course, unauthorized the thing for which he had been tried.by it. But if the settlement which he If, indeed, he had fled before the trial, contended for, if the apportionment of then might his fleeing have been reasonably profits which he claimed, at the time when supposed to be a proof of conscious guilt. I was acquainted with the matter, had There may be supposed cases, in which been acceded to, the public would have lost fleeing even at that stage ought not to be not a farthing by the transaction, and he looked upon as a proof of conscious guilt. would have escaped pecuniary ruin. And, I can easily suppose such cases. if all the correspondence with the Treasury suppose motives for inducing a man perupon this subject were now laid before fectly innocent to flee even from trial.Parlian e it, I am convinced, that what I But we are not now speaking of such a bere say would be proved to be true.- case. We are speaking of a gentleman, ́ I do not pretend to say, that he had law who, so far from fleeing from trial, went on his side. He himself was aware that unnecessarily and appeared at the trial in he had not. But, unless he could obtain person. This was the stage when he would what he deemed, and what appeared to have acted upon the feelings of conscious me and to others to be an equitable settle-guit; this was the stage when conscious ment, he was ruined, and the public was the gainer.--Mr. Cochrane Johnstone absconds with none of the public money. The means of reimbursement (without loss) the Government has, in a state of sequestration, in dollars and in wool. But the 'Government demanded more than he had to pay with; and, therefore, he refused to answer the Bill, knowing that the law was

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guilt would naturally have induced him to` flee, if, in any stage, it was to have that effect.-If consciousness of guilt induced him to abscond, why did he not do it before the trial? He made no effort to put off the trial; he did not remove the indictment; he, on the contrary, wished it to come on; he, if guilt induced him to flee, acted directly against himself; he foolishly threw

away his money upon lawyers and attor- | drawn forth by an observation of mine. neys; a guinea laid out in boat hire would For, I was so stricken with the ingenuity have saved him a month's toil, and, per- and beauty of the performance, that I ob haps, a thousand pound in law-expences. served to Mr. Johnstone, that he must So that, if it were "conscious guilt," certainly have paid a great deal of money which, at last, set him in motion, he acted for it. He then told me what he had paid, the part of any thing but that of an adroit and I observed that it was very cheap, and enterprising man.- -As to the fact and that I did not believe that there was of his guilt, he has been found guilty, and another man in the kingdom capable of I shall not attempt to arraign the verdict. doing such a thing.There is another But though his situation cannot be altered circumstance, on which I cannot help obby any thing that I say, there is one cir- serving. It has been made matter of suscumstance which I feel myself impelled to picious co-incidence, that Mr. Tahourdin state.-As far as I can collect, the chief should be, at the same time, the attorney circumstance against him was, that De of Mr. Johnstone and of Mr. De Berenger. Berenger had, in his possession, bank Now, I remember seeing Mr. Tahourdin notes, which had passed through the hands at Mr. Johnstone's on business in the of Mr. Cochrane Johnstone and Mr. Butt. month of May or June, 1813; and I It was alledged, in defence, that Mr. believe, that the latter never had any thing Cochrane Johnstone had paid De Berenger to do with stock-jobbing till a long while a sum of money for certain drawings and after that. I never saw Mr. Johnstone, explans, and that, thus, the transit of the cept for an hour in passing through Botley, notes was accounted for.-Now, I recol- from June, 1813, to very early in February, lect, that, LONG BEFORE the indict-1814, when I saw him at a friend's house ment was either preferred, or talked of, Mr. Cochrane Johnstone shewed me some drawings and plans, very beautifully and most ingeniously executed, which he told me were the work of the Baron. The occasion of his shewing them to me was my telling him that my son, who was with me, was learning to make plans; and I remember his telling me, that he had paid the Baron several hundred pounds for his trouble in executing those plans, and also for drawings of birds, I think it was, and some other things: so that, at any rate, this account of the transit of the notes might not be wholly an invention, as it has been represented to have been. I had forgotten this conversation, at which my son was present, till I saw that the plans had been produced at the trial; or I and my son should certainly have been witnesses upon the occasion. This was some time about the 20th of March: long before the indictment was even talked of; long before De Berenger was taken; and at a time when it was thought by every one that he had gone out of the country. Now, it is not only improbable, but it is next to impossible, if not quite impossible, that Mr. Cochrane Johnstone should have told me this story about paying De Berenger money with a view to any future disclosure; and, therefore, I am thoroughly convinced, that he did pay De Berenger a considerable sum of money for those services. The mention of the payment was

in Westminster, for about ten minutes, I being about to come home, and not having time to go to his house. I then, for the first time, learnt, that he was engaged in stock dealings; he, with his usual unreserve, told me about his transactions; but never did I hear even a hint from him that he had any other means of securing profit than those possessed by other well-informed people. Nay, I know that, at that time, only about three weeks previously to the hoax, his intention was to go to Dominica, in March or April, to do something about his property there, which had suffered greatly from tempests. And, therefore, at that time, he could not have had any hoaxing system in contemplation.-As to the risk he ran in holding such a quantity of Stock as was sold out for him on the day of the Hoax, and which risk has been, by many, regarded as too great to be run by any man not sure of his mark, I appeal to all those, who have ever known him even for a week, whether this be any presumption against him. With him risks are nothing. Consequences make no part of his calculations. It has been very ably contended, that his conduct,. in this instance, was prudent; but, whether it was or not, those who are acquainted with his spirit of adventure, will never infer deliberate guilt from the circumstance of his having exposed himself to danger. Thus much it has occurred to me to say at present with regard to a gen tleman, now not here to speak for himself.

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I have had the pleasure to know him for the above I observe, that the consideration about eleven years. He was the last man of my Lord Cochrane's case is put off till in the world to reserve any thing from any Tuesday. I have also ascertained, what I body; and his character must have under-suspected to be the case, that his Loidgone a very great and sudden change, if he ship's name has not been struck off the list reserved any thing from me. Yet he never of Post Captains, and that no part of the did, from first to last, give me the smallest sentence has been remitted. So far from ground for believing, that he had any hand this, an official notice has been sent his in the transaction in which he was accused Lordship to prepare for the pillory on the of being a party. It is impossible for me 10th day of August next! to produce, by any thing that I can say or do, any change in his situation. But every thing that I do know, or that I may hereafter learn; every thing that a strict adherence to truth will enable to say in his favour, I shall always seek occasions for saying. It is very likely that we shall never meet again; but, in whatever part of the world he may be, I shall always be anxious to hear from him, and learn that prosperity and happiness attend him; and, as long as I am able to hold a pen, and have senses left to guide it, no man shall, in this country, through the channel of the press, unjustly assail him with impunity. To be sure Mr. Cochrane Johnstone is justly chargeable with many acts of indiscretion; but, who is not? I am not setting myself up as the defender of his follies or his vices, having, like my neighbours, enough to do to keep in check, or repair the effects of, my own. There are few men who have been exposed to so many and such great temptations as the gentleman of whom I am speaking; and those amongst us who have, either from natural disposition or extraneous causes, not been so exposed, ought not to pass too hasty a judgment upon any part of his conduct.-Mr. Cochrane Johnstone has been reproached with being the instigator of the actions, or informations, against the people of the Stock Exchange for Stock-Jobbing. If true, is it a crime, then, to endeavour to enforce the law against offenders? But, is this a proof, too, of "conscious guilt?" Was it likely for a man to do this, who knew that it was, or, who thought that it was, in the power of the Stock Exchange to punish him? Would not conscious guilt have taken special care to commit no new offence; to do nothing to add to the sharpness of the prosecutors' anger?-Here I close what I have to say upon this subject, at present, with referring the reader to the statement of my Lord Cochrane, published in the last Register, and also to that defence, which I suppose he 'will have made in Parliament, before this will go from the press. Since writing

DENMARK. -The advocates of interminable war; those sanguinary wretches who have assumed to themselves the appellation of the "War Faction;" and who boldly avow that they see nothing inhuman in spilling the blood of their fellow men "in the cause of kings, of religion, and of social order;" finding that they were unable to provoke a new war with France; that the war with America and with Norway was insufficient to occupy the whole of our immense fleets and armies; and that their friends, who depend for support upon, and who look to, a state of warfare as a source of enriching themselves; finding, I say, that what they call the enemies of Great Britain, were too few in number to justify long the continuance of the war taxes, whence so many advantages were derived by their party, they have, from day to day, been labouring to embroil this country with other nations; they have been unceasing in their recommendations to Ministers not to fulfil the terms of treaties solemnly entered into; and, in order to afford some plausible pretence for what, on our part, would be a gross violation of all honourable principles, these men endeavour, by the basest calumnies, and the foulest abuse, to provoke the rulers of other countries to some imprudent act, which they would not fail immediately to plead as a justification of the hostile mea sures they had been successful in occasioning.-In no instance does this infamous mode of proceeding appear more conspicuous than in the case of Denmark. The people of that country have, no doubt, all along evinced a decided partiality for the French nation.

the attack upon Copenhagen can blame But who that recollects them for this?-I am not here insinuating any thing about the injustice of that act: what I mean is, that it is impossible for any people, whatever may be their state of civilization, to regard with a favourable eye that nation which could burn and destroy their capital, even though such a

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