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do much more than strict right calls upon us to do. We think it strange, passing strange, that the Jack Tars of England, the jolly, sincere, brave, faithful, patriotic, and loyal sons of Neptune, to whom that Deity has so long delegated, his trident, and who are, as we learn from all your national sayings and singings, so firmly attached to their beloved King and his family; we think it passing strange, that these admirable and singlehearted persons should be disposed to 'leave your glorious fleet, and to flock to our poor Yankee service; and, we cannot but believe, that some evil-minded people, have calumniated your honest, jolly Jack Tars, when they have persuaded you to, believe, that the impressment of the jolly Jacks from on hoard of our Yankee ships is necessary to the existence of your navy. However, supposing this really to be the case, we are willing, for the sake of peace, to provide an effectual remedy.' They then made these propositions:-That · whenever an American ship was in

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vengeance. The American Government | remonstrated with ours; it besought our Government to desist from this practice, which it asserted to be a violation of the known law of nations, an outrageous insult to America as an Independent State, and an aggression, in short, which the American Dation was resolved to resent.-Our Government asserted, that it had a right to the service of its own sailors; that the danger to our very existence was so great, that the practice could not be given ups that if American citizens were taken by mistake, they were sorry for it, and would give them when demanded by their Government; but that the practice was of vital importance; for, that without it, our navy would be ruined.--This last argument has, indeed, always been the main one with those who have justified the practice of impressment. The American Government, in answer to this, said, We do not want your scamen; we would rather that' they were never taken to serve on board of American ships; we want none but our own scamen, leaving you yours.port, no matter in what country, any person, But, if it be really true, that your seamen authorised by our Government, might go have so great a partiality for our service to any civil Magistrate of the port or town, and our country as to quit you, or, as to and demand to have surrendered to him be disposed to quit you, in numbers so any man out of the American ship, upon the great as to endanger your very existence allegation of his being a British subject; as a nation; if this be really so, it is no and that, if the Civil Magistrate, upon • fault of ours. We cannot help their hearing the parties, should determine in preferring our ships and country to yours, favour of the claimant, the man should, at any more than a pretty girl can help the once, be surrendered to him, though such young men liking her better than they Magistrate should be one of our own Jeslike her ugly companions. The fault is tices of the Peace, either in England, or in ia their want of taste, perhaps; but, at any of our Colonies.--And, further, ia, any rate, the fault cannot be ours. order most effectually to prevent any British Therefore, you have no reason to com- subject from being even received on board plain of us; nor have you any right to an American ship as a sailor, the American interrupt our commercial pursuits, under Government offered to pass an Act, imposing 'pretence of recovering those whom you a very heavy pecuniary penalty (so high, call your subjects. There are, perhaps, believe, as a thousand dollars,) on every some Americans who have a taste for Master of an American ship, who should your service. Keep them, in God's name.engage à British subject to serve on board We never do, and never will, attempt to his ship; so that any such person, so enimpress them from on board your ships; gaged, would have had nothing to do but and, indeed, we have no right so to do, to give information, and receive, I believe, such a practice being without a single 700 dollars out of the thousand.-With 'precedent in the whole list of writings on this regulation, and this penal enactment, public law, and in all the long bistory of it appears to me, that it would have been maritime nations.'-This was the sub-impossible for any number of our countrystance of the language of the American men to have served in the American ships. Government. But they did not stop at asserting, that we had no right to do what we dil. They said further, Nevertheless, in order to convince you of our sincere desire not to employ your seamen, we will

Reader, can you imagine any way by which the American Government could have more fully proved its sincere desire not to injure England by affording a place of refuge to English sailors?—If you can,

state it; if you cannot, I must leave you I ships of war, they swarm even upon the to discover, why these offers were not coasts of the "Mother Country," to the accepted, and why this war was not great vexation of the Mornicle Chronicle, avoided.But, supposing these offers who calls them "insolent marauders.” not to have been satisfactory, why are we Oh! insolent dogs! come into our owa not at prace now? The peace in Europe Channel, and almost into our ports! Come it an end to the cause of the dispute.- three thousand miles to insult their natural Our sailors could no longer desert to Ame-mother! rican ships, when they were discharged from our own. The peace in Europe put an end to the quariel, as naturally as the cessation of a shower puts an end to the quarrel of two persons who are contending for the shelter of a pent-house. We had nothing to do but to make a treaty of peace, and say nothing more about the impressment of seamen. If the Americans were willing to do this, I am at a loss to discover how the continuance of the war is to be justified.I am aware, indeed, that it has been strongly inculcated in the Times, and other newspapers, that we aught now, now, now, now, while all goes on so smoothly; now, when the tide is with us, to crush America for ever; to clip her wings for a century; to annihilate her means of forming a navy to be our rival on the ocean.-Alas! if this he the project, it is not America that we are at war with; it is nature herself, in whose immutable decrees it is written, that no such project shall succeed. We must, to effect this famous project, annihilate her woods, her waters, and her lands; and though: our Parliament has been called omnipotent, its omnipotence is not of that sort, which is requisite for such an undertaking. It can do what it pleases with us in these islands; but it cannot reach across the Atlantic, except by its fleets and armies; except by means of the same sort, which are there opposed to it. Here it is omnipotent, because here is no power to resist it; but there, a power exists in open defiance of it. Therefore, it cannot there do what it pleases. It

I wonder they are not afraid of being destroyed by the "British thunder.” But, Mr. Perry, why make use of inap plicable terms? A marauder means one that goes to seek plunder, unlawfully; and“ if he be detected, he is generally hanged. Whereas these privateers from America come with commissions on board. They are fully authorised by the laws of their own country to do what they do; and even if we chance to capture them, we can treat their crews only as prisoners of war. Perhaps Mr. Perry, or his Editor, thinks that we ought to be allowed to destroy American towns, and to lay waste the country without any opposition, or any acts of retaliation. It is not “insolent" in us to threaten to reduce the Americans to" unconditional submission." It is not insolent in us to say, in our public prints, and under the form of a speech in Parlia ment by one of the Lords of the Admiralty, that Mr. Madison is to be deposed. In us all this is allowable, and even praiseworthy.This, however, is not the way to put an end to the war.-The dilemma, in which the foes of freedom are placed, is one of great difficulty.-America is the very hot bed of freedom. While the people in that country retain their liberties; that is to say, while that country remains unsubdued, despotism, under whatever name she may disguise herself, is never safe; and, if peace takes place with America, not only will she instantly start, with enormous advantages, in the race of manufactures and commerce, but millions of men and of money will flock to her from is impossible to say what exploits our ar- Europe, whom her example will soon mies and navies may perform in America. again shake to the centre. On the other I shall leave the military and naval opera- hand, if the war be persevered in against tions to time, the great trier of all things. her, all our taxes must be continued, and But, certain it is, that the gentry, who loans must annually be made.Which were so hot for the drubbing, begin to be our statesmen will prefer, it would be very impatient. The war, in their view of great presumption in me to attempt to the matter, appears to languish. Little or predict; and, therefore, I shall, for the no blood is drawn. We hear of no fine present, leave the subject with just observtowns demolished; none of those fataling, that those who are still for giving the things, the manufactories of woollens and Yankees a drubbing, ought to receive the cottons, have been destroyed; there are tax-gatherer with open arms, and greet him Bill American public ships of war afloat, with an almost holy kiss. and more building; and, as to the private

POLAND. The restoration of this de- | Francis, it is said, will be indemnified in voted country to its former rank in the Italy for what he may give up in Poland. scale of nations, is much talked of as a But will the Italian States submit to this? circumstance which will occupy a con- Much dissatisfaction has, we have been siderable degree of attention at the ensuing told, appeared of late in that quarter, fom Congress. The Courier seems disposed to an apprehension as to their future destiny. throw a damp on the expectations of those Will the Court of Vienna, in these cirwho cherish the idea, that Polish independ- cumstances, risk a contest in Italy, in enonce is about to be recognised; while the deavouring to annex new territory to its Times "are happy to perceive that the dominions? Or will it rather prefer a war "idea of re-establishing the kingdom of with Russia to secure what it has, for so "Poland appears daily to gain ground."-- long a period, possessed in Foland? These This latter opinion is founded on the sup- are questions, it must be confessed, not position, that the Emperor Alexander is of easy of solution, and which, in my apprehimself able, and already inclined, to effect hension, give some degree of probability to this object. That of the Courier rests what is said in the Courier, that Austria upon the idea, that Austria will not consent may seriously oppose the restoration of the to the measure. "The restoration of the kingdom of Poland. There is another cirkingdom of Poland," says that Journal, cumstance, which tends greatly to shew "is spoken of with confidence; but this is that apprehensions have been entertained, "another of the measures that will meet that the supposed views of Russia as to the "with decided opposition on the part of independence of Poland might probably "Austria. Those who expect much cor-lead to a new contest. Dombrowsky, the diality between Russia and Austria at Polish Commander, in general orders lately "the Congress will find themselves dis- addressed to his army, plainly intimated, appointed."---Of all the causes of prethat it was necessary they should again taketended meditated hostility, said to exist on up arms. Why this necessity, if danger the part of the Continental Powers, it was not anticipated in some quarter? Why appears to me somewhat probable, if a call upon the Polish soldiers to prepare for speedy rupture ought at all to be appre- battle, if no encroachment was meditated hended, that the settlement of the affairs upon their territory? The Poles themselves of Poland is the most likely of any to seem, at this time, to have been ignorant as occasion this. There is something so pe- to the fate that awaited them. They thereculiar in the character of Alexander; fore declared it to be their determination something so romantic in this Prince's not to take up arms, unless in defence conduct, that one cannot help entertaining of their own rights. The answer which the hope he will listen to the loud and the Polish Officers returned on this occareiterated calls of the Poles, to be acknow- sion to the call of their Chief, is a most inledged an Independent State. Besides, teresting document. It was dated the the Court of St. Petersburgh cannot be 10th ult. and the following are its conblind to the vast security which the estatents:--" General-You call upon us blishment of a kingdom, like Poland, on "again to be ready for war. Formerly its frontier, would give to its extended" the youth of our country, invited, took empire. Had Alexander adopted this policy before he unsheathed the sword against France, Moscow would have been saved, and the French armies never would have menaced the overthrow of the Czars, even in the Russian capital itself.---Can Alexander ; can the Members of his House; can his Ministers, be insensible to the danger which thus threatened them? Is it surprising; nay, is it not extremely natural, that they should be anxious to provide against the recurrence of so great an evil? It cannot be supposed, that Austria will shew much opposition to such an arrangement, if she is disposed at all to consult the security and safety of her neighbours.---"general peace, its rights, and the

up arms to conquer the rights of the "kingdom of our forefathers. We have "shed our blood for almost all nations; "they deluded us with expectations, and "the blood we have shed has produced no "advantage, except to the adventurers "who aimed only at promoting their own "ends. The remembrance of all our en"deavours, which seem to have been in "vain, tear open afresh the honourable "wounds we have received in the service "of our country. There is no Pole who "does not think with tears on the present occurrences in the world. All Monarchs "are endeavouring to give back to Europe

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this. If, more desirous of her own aggrandizement than the independence of nations, she should again plunge Europe into another war, in support of her claims of territorial acquisitions in Poland, I do not think it could long remain a doubt, that such procedure would be contrary to

"balance of power. All nations expect from the attainment of this great object a durable Poland alone has peace. "hitherto had no share in the general joy, to which, however, she claims a right. "We Poles, who have given to other nations an example, how one ought to fight "for one's rights and independence, re-justice, and completely subversive of those mainan enigma to the whole of Europe; principles so recently avowed by the Em"all are full of joy at the new life they peror Francis, when he marchedhis troops "have received; but no single nation at- into France; when he united with the "tends to the justice of our cause. Un- other Allied Powers in declaring, that happy Brethien! we alone return to they were the enemies only of tyrants "our mournful homes, deserted by hope, the assertors of the people's rights. But "as if all nations intended to cover the why need we speak of justice, with the case "wrongs we have endured, and the splen- of Norway before our eyes? Where look "dour of our ancient glory, with the veil for respect of the people's rights, when we "of oblivion. What torture can be com- recollect the total disregard of all justice, 26 pared with this? Why does the Angel of all right, and even of mercy itself, in the of Peace, who formerly opened upon us final partitioning of Poland, in the year "such cheerful prospects, delay to declare 1793, by Catharine of Russia, by Leopold "more loudly in favour of our cause, that of Germany, and by Frederick William "he may crown all his great deeds, and the Second? The subjugation of the "not give us alone reason to lament the Norwegians to a foreign yoke, is an event establishment of a general peace. Ex-we have all witnessed. The overthrow of plain to us, General, what your measures Polish independence is more remote. It mean, and why we must take up arms?may, therefore, be useful to recal to our "Shall we not spare our bleeding hearts, recollection the leading features of that when we arm for a war, the object of which horrible transaction. Well may the " is unknown to us? Ask the Conqueror in Polish people say, that the remembrance of our name, what he requires of us? We their sufferings 66 opens afresh the ho"are in his power, but our country alone nourable wounds we received in the service demand our blood. As soon as he of our country," for such sufferings as they "insures to us this country, we will take then endured are unparalleled in history. 66 up arms for it, and for its generous Pro-Let us hope, while the Sovereigns who now "tector. Duty and gratitude will then fill the thrones of Russia, Austria, and "double our cotage and our national Prussia, are congratulating themselves on "spirit; but without this assistance we having had no participation in this dread-. "shall not arm. We declare this, and ful outrage, that a recollection of what took "are ready rather to submit to the hardest place on that awful occasion may soften "necessity, to endure the fate of prisoners their hearts, and lead them to forget their "of war, than to act unworthy of ourselves own interests, in their anxious desire to "and of you. Such are our sentiments, atone for the incalculable injuries done to "our confidence-the national spirit, to the gallant and unfortunate Poles.-The "which we are resolved to remain faithful." existence of the treaty of Pavia, called the It is more than probable that this eloquent" Partition Treaty," by which the fate of and impressive appeal, has had the effect Poland was determined, is a subject of disit was calculated to produce upon the pute amongst politicians. Subsequent ✦ mind of Alexander, and determined him in events however shew, that, whether the favour of Polish independence. If this dismemberment of that country was settled should be the fact, there is no one more at Pilnitz, or at Pavia, the three great desirous than I am of seeing that injured Powers who participated in the spoil had nation once more restored to something previously agreed on this, in one diplomatie like, what may be called, her natural rights. form or another. Early in 1791 the King Alexander may then have some claim to the of Prussia, in a Note presented by his Mititle of Liberator; it may then be acknow-nister at Warsaw to the Polish Diet, stated, ledged that, in some degree, he merited" that his Prussian Majesty fully approved the appellation of "benefactor of the hu-" of the Revolution in Poland, and gua“ man race."-But if Austria should oppose 66 ranteed its Constitution."--In the you

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disgust, that no less than ten thousand Polish soldiers, who had so nobly defended their country, were put to death after they had surrendered themselves prisoners of war! But the bloody scene did not ter

dreary waste, it only remained to sanctify the deced by a Te Deum, which Suwarrow chaunted, with the utmost fervour, to the God of Mercies, only two days after the massacres of Praga had been completed!!! Such, in a few words, are the circumstances that led to the extinction of Polish independence. It was an outrage, characterised by every feature but that of respect for justice, or the rights of nations. It was an outrage against the most sacred duties of that religion, under which it was attempted to cover the guilt of the inhuman perpetrators, and to mock the Majesty of Heaven; and it left a stigma upon the names of the principal actors in this bloody catastrophe, which the elapse of time can never eradicate. If Alexander of Russia wishes to present to posterity a memorable

1793, the same Monarch, on marching his troops into Poland, issued a declaration, in which he said, that "the Revolution of 1791 was effected without the knowledge "of the friendly Powers, and that owing to "the Jacobinical proceedings of the soi-minate here. The whole inhabitants of disant patriots, he must, for his own Warsaw, amounting to nearly 20,000, "safety, march an army into great were butchered by these ferocious barba"Poland."-After giving so striking a rians, without any regard to age or sex; proof of bad faith, it is no way surprising and when they had satiated their savage to find the Magistrates of Dantzic commit- thirst for blood, they sought a farther ted to prison, by the leaders of the Prussian gratification to their revenge, iu burntroops, because they refused to sign an acting the dwelling houses of the wretched of renunciation in favour of the invaders of inhabitants!! Warsaw thus rendered a their liberties. It was in vain that the Polish Government entered their protest against these iniquitous proceedings. It was in vain that they solicited the interference of the Courts of Vienna and St. Petersburgh. It was in vain that they appealed to all the Governments of Europe, and called upon them to resent manifest a violation of the rights of natioas." A Manifesto of Catharine soon laid open the schemes of plunder and ambition,by which the integrity of Poland was no longer to be respected. Russia, Austria, and Prussia had agreed to partition its territory, and therefore it was in vain for the Poles to resist. The other Powers of Europe offered no assistance. They stood by as unconcerned spectators, and sanctioned, by their silence, this unprincipled attack upon the independ-example of magnanimity, he will, in good ence of nations.--The bayonet put an earnest, set about the emancipation of a end to all opposition, and the Polish Diet, people who were treated in so merciless a surrounded in their Hall of meeting by a manner by his country. He will not lend Russian army, were compelled to subscribe a deaf ear to the calls of the injured Poles, to the conditions of a treaty, which trans- who ask the conqueror what he requires of ferred their country to a foreign yoke. them; but he will justly appreciate the A bold effort was afterwards made by the value of the declaration, that, as soon as celebrated Kosciusko, and a band of real he guarantees (not such a guarantee, howpatriots, to deliver their country from ever, as was formerly given by Prussia) the this degraded state. At first success independence of Poland, the gallant, but crowned the efforts of this gallant and pa- oppressed, natives of that country " will triotic Chief, and he saw himself in posses- "take up arms for it, and for its generous sion of Warsaw, after defeating the invaders" protector. Duty and gratitude will then in every quarter. Want of sufficient force," double their courage and their national however, to oppose the immense legions" spirit."Although acting a part like this that were pouring in from all quarters, rendered his efforts useless. While cheering his troops in the field of battle, and exciting them, by deeds of personal valour, to most xtraordinary displays of courage, Koscinsko fell, and with him fell the liberties of Poland. The suburbs of Warsaw were carried by storm: and when it is recollected, that the assailants were led on by Suwarrow, it will not astonish any one, however much it may occassion horror and | Belligerents.

could be no atonement for the wrongs of Poland, it would go far to banish them from the memory; it would revive the drooping spirits of its inhabitants; and it would give them a taste of that "general joy" consequent on the return of peace, of the want of which they so justly complain, and in which, from the conspicuous part they filled in the late contest, they are as much entitled to a share as any of the