the most destructive acts of tyranny, in its consequences in all history, shook these establishments to their foundations, namely the Decree of the 5th August, 1810, by which the Government imposed a duty on the introduction of colonial goods, that surpassed three or four times their real value. Cottons did not escape this monstrous tax. The effects were what might have been ex

turned to account; we have invented stereotyping; we have perfected the art of enamelling in all its branches; painting on glass has been re-established more true and learned in its colours than in the times of Francis the 1st, and Henry the 2d. In the first rank, among these conquests with respect to utility, is the spinning of cotton and the weaving cotton cloths, which we long purchased from the Greeks and Vene-pected. While preparations were making tians, and afterwards from the Portuguese, for the campaign in which our military English and Swiss. During the last power was annihilated, our commerce sufthirty or forty years, the taste for white fered immense losses. In consequence of and coloured cottons has diffused itself the rise in the price of the raw materials, throughout all ranks. At the time of the the equilibrium between the wants and the Revolution, the consumption of France capitals was lost. The want of consumpamounted to sixty millions. Scarcely the tion lowered the price, credit only served half of this amount was produced in our to deepen the abyss; the manufacturer own manufactories, which gave employ-precipitated the merchant, and the merment to seventy thousand workmen. We chant the banker, and even the humble made then hardly any white cottons. The artizans shared in the general failure. Decrees of Council of the 10th and 17th The Government, reduced to suppert mas July, 1785, which prohibited the introduc-nufactures at its own expence, avoided a tion of foreign cottons, gave an encouragement to this manufacture.-The famous Commercial Treaty of 1786, permitted the importation of English cottons, and injured the progress of our own. The Constituent Assembly, too wise to be blinded by the seductive but impracticable idea of an unlimited freedom of commerce, by its tarif of customs of 13th March, 1791, established such high duties as to be almost equivalent to a prohibition. The Convention framed a wiser law in the year 2, confirmed in the year 5, prohibiting without exception all the productions of English industry. From this period we may date our principal spinning establishments, and the perfection of our different manufactories. The Museum of mechanical arts, a vast establishment, when all inventions were open to workmen, contributed powerfully to enlighten and stimulate our industry. The Decrees of the 13th Fructidor, year 9, that of the 22d Feb. 1806, and the law of the 30th April of the same year, renewed the prohibitions. The celebrated Berlin decree, declaring the Britannic Isles in a state of blockade, and the Milan decree, consolidated the system of absolute prohibition. The spinning and manufacture of cottons continued to increase till the buildings and machinery were valued at upwards of two hundred millions; and two hundred and fifty thou-ments which they now find it difficult to sand workmen were employed, who produced in a year calicoes, &c. to the value of one hundred and seventy millions at least. This property was shut. One of

total repeal by the Decree of the 18th Oct. 1810, which ordered the burning of all English manufactures; this atrocious act was necessary as a counterpoise to the excessive tax; and those manufacturers who stood the first shock by means of sacrifices, were still able to supply the wants of con sumers. Ia 1813, notwithstanding the past losses, the continuing taste for cottons, and the rigour of the prohibition, still sustained our principal houses; but the failures began again to multiply, and the alarm became general. Such was the situation of cur manufactures, when a suc cession of reverses brought the forces of all Europe into our territories. The first demand of the petitioners is connected with this great event. The warehouses of our merchants and manufacturers were then filled with cottons, which had paid a tax of four francs forty cents, six francs sixty cents, and eight francs eighty cents per kilogramme, according to the quality; and this duty amounted to forty millions, being about thirty millions for the present France. In these extraordinary circumstances, the act of the 23d April last, suppressing the whole of the duties, was passed, after which cottons fell one half in price. Many houses were overturned in consequence, and those which did not fail, have contracted engage

fulfil. In this state of things, the merchants of Little Saint Quintin, Rouen, and Paris, implore the justice of the Chamber. I know it may be urged, that it was

impossible to avoid these losses, when our the foreign, equivalent to a prohibition, or custom-houses were overturned, and Eng-pronounce an absolute prohibition. England inundated our coasts not only with and has made an absolute probibition one colonial goods, but also with her own ma- of the bases of its manufacturing policy.— nufactures. In a question so difficult, We have never in any treaty obtained the your Committee has charged me with sub-introduction of our silks into its ports. mitting to you a few observations. The What is its famous Navigation Act, but a Chamber has already solemnly acknow-prohibition against all goods not brought ledged the fundamental principle, that the in its own ships, and even against foreign first duty of Governments is to te just. If vessels attempting to trade to any of its the wrong has originated in the free act of coasts or settlements? What are at this the Government, far from us te thought time the wants and resources of our manuthat such an act did not require reparation. factures, and what is also the position of But it is notorious, that on the 23d April, France? A capital of two hundred mil and long before, from Antwerp to Geneva, lions, two hundred and fifty thousand workfrom Bayonne to the mouth of the Cha-men, goods manufactured to the value of rente, at the heels of the four hundred one hundred and sixty millions, which, thousand men who had invaded France, after deducting thirty millions for raw magoods were introduced for the sake of de-terials, leave one hundred and thirty mil riving a profit from our defeats. In these lions to be divided among all those concircumstances, all that could be done was cerned in the trade; on the other hand, to diminish the sum of the evil. After a the ruin of our manufactures and credit, disastrous war, how many irreparable and a general discouragement, these are losses, and how many just demands, to the facts which must guide us in our deterwhich we can only answer in the language mination. An experience of twenty years of consolation! An enlightened Govern- proves, that our manufactures are sufficient ment will indemnify us by its benefits, for for our own consumption. We need not the reverses to which we have been con- dread an excessive price; for the compcdemned by the errors of the former. And tition among our manufacturers would this brings me to the second demand of the always prove a sufficient remedy. When petitioners. we compare our situation with that of England, we have great advantages over the English manufacturer in the low price of workmanship; but in England the ma chinery, which is incessantly improving, supplies more and more the place of human labour; the workman is more experienced and skilful; in France, in many manufactures, the machinery requires to be im.

require to be more familiarised with each other. This is not all; the conscription has destroyed a generation skilled in this business, and we must instruct a new generation. Notwithstanding these obstacles,

"The petitioners desire a law which, for some years at least, shall prohibit absolutely the introduction of foreign cottons. The noble idea that a commerce without shackles, would be the most efficacious means of increasing human industry and happiness throughout the world, though it can hardly be disputed, has never yet been carried into practice by any na-proved, and the machine and the workman tion. All wish to draw every thing to themselves, even those indigenous productions which nature has distributed unequally to different countries, as if to invite them to a friendly intercourse with cach other; all would be sellers, and all pur-we manufacture common stuffs as well, and chase with regret. But regrets on this subject are useless. Every nation which does not wish to effect its own ruin, must now purchase only what cannot be manufactured at home, except at an exorbitant price, or except its industry can be differently employed to much greater advantage: and must facilitate the exchange of raw productions, but receive as few manufactures as possible in exchange for raw produce. When our manufactures come at home in competition with foreign manufactures, we must either impose a tax on

nearly as cheap, as the English, and begin to enter into competition with them in foreign markets. In the superior qualities the case is different; but the interval which separates us is inconsiderable, and in a few days will be passed. What do we now want? Encouragements and guarantees. I wish to persuade myself that England will be pleased to see our prosperity increase. May a solid peace unite two nations so deserving of the esteem of each other, for the sake of the happiness of the whole world! But our relations with

the taxes; or, rather, let their superfluities be offered upon the altar of the country, to pay off the National Debt.”—Here then, Sir, I take my stand. The popular tion of this country is stated to be about twelve millions of souls--the rich cannot, at the highest calculation, exceed two hundred thousand; and if to these we add those immediately connected with Government, who live upen the produce of the taxes, we may carry their numbers to two millions. Thus, then, two millions live upon the sweat and labour of ten millions of their fellow-creatures. But this is not all; of these ten millions four millions are in the workhouse, and are there in conse

England must be determined by circumstances. Why, in our present situation, should she lade her vessels with cotton goods, which take back our wines, brandies, oils, soaps, cambrics, and laces?Since all colonial commodities have fallen to her share, we have otherwise but too many means of exchange with her. What has your Committee to propose to you? The former laws prohibiting the introduction of English manufactures are still in vigonr; our custom-houses are re-established, and all that is now wanted, is to continue the prohibition. The fears of the petitioners respecting the conclusion of a commercial treaty with England, have appeared to us unfounded. The commer-quence of having been ruined by war and cial treaty of 1786, was not signed till the taxes. Six millions, therefore, of poor three years after the peace of 1783.-This inhabitants, by hard labour, and incessant period was necessary to form a correct industry, maintain, in wretched poverty, estimate of the relations between the two four millions of their ruined countrymen ; nations. After twenty years war, and in- in luxury, two hundred thousand rich; and terruption of all regular commerce, is less in affluence one million eight hundred time necessary? Besides, a treaty of com- thousand dependants on Government, who merce would not be a reciprocal renuncia- are employed mostly in looking after and tion of all taxes and prohibitions; it would enforcing the payment of these taxes, merely be a new system of prohibition and brought on by the votes, the clamours, and taxation agreed on by the two sides. It the manœuvres of the fore-mentioned two requires therefore time to observe for some hundred thousand rich lives and fortune time the existing machine, to see what we men. I shall here but slightly notice, that must destroy, and what we must preserve. that highly respectable body, the StockPerhaps it would be better to have no com-jobbers, who, some how or other, have acmercial treaty, and after renouncing re-quired great influence, alike on the public ciprocally those measures which war only purse and upon the public faith, and have, could justify, to leave each nation to impose as we lately witnessed, attempted a kind of such prohibitions and taxes as its own in-judicial sovereignty, an imperium in imterest might render advisable.-On the perio, winked at or encouraged (for reawhole, the Committee is inclined to believe that the first demand cannot be taken into consideration; and with respect to the second demand, the absolute prohibition of cotton stuffs, as the laws of the year 2, year 5, and 22d February and 30th April, 1806, which enforce this absolute prohibition, are still in vigour, the Committee is of opinion, that the deliberation on this matter should be adjourned till the new tarif come under your consideration."

sons best known to themselves), by his Majesty's Government, these may be included in the two millions. All this were, however, well; or, at least, not to be complained of, if it were free for such as disapprove the measures pursued, such as fect themselves oppressed, to leave the country, and carry their labour and industry with them to a land where they might expect some encouragement, more freedom, and fewer taxes. But laws exist to prevent their removal-Britain is to the industrious artificer a Bajazet's cage, and the tenderMR. COBBETT.If I recollect arightness and gratitude of the rich consists in my last letter concluded thus:-" Landholders and stockholders offer their lives and fortunes to wage a war, whence the poor derive only additional misery; let the lives and the fortunes, so offered, be the price of their fondness for bloodshed; but the simple peasant, the industrious mechanic, ought not to Le the sacrifice.The rich called for war; let the rich pay

NATIONAL DEBT.-No. II.

shewing him the loaf, but, at the same time, placing it out of his reach, while, with an ostentatious humanity, inventing and advising subtitutes for bread.

The evil pointed out, the remedy is within our reach. To gratify the powerful and the rich, war has been waged, a large National Debt been incurred, a monopoly of land has taken place, and a general

ceases to flow in Europe, is an occasion

decay of trade has been experienced. The number of the poor has daily in-worthy of our rejoicing; humanity is recreased; the necessaries of life are now lieved, and christianity approves the deed. beyond their reach ;---luxury, in its march, It is consolatory to think, that, in the short keeps pace with public misery ;-and the interval of peace with France, perhaps a groans of the oppressed are drowned in the million of lives have already escaped being Bacchanalian noisy mirth of profligacy!-sacrificed at the shrine of the ambition of Ten millions suffer, while two millions riot! contending nations. It is a matter of Notumas Leges Anglia mutari. But these great joy, that those principles denomievils proceed not from the lows-the con-nated French, and considered as belonging stitutional laws of Great Britain! Toto, and interwoven with, the French Revothat Constitution a National Debt is un-lution; espoused, as it was said, only by known. To that Constitution a seven American Republicans, and the factious years' Parliament is foreign. In that Con- Whigs of England; so far from being exstitution, Corruption and Ministerial in- tirpated from the face of the earth, are fluence are no where mentioned. To that existing, in full vigour, and that the right Constitution then let us return.To pay of nations to cashier their Governors for the National Debt, France sells some of mal-administration, is now recognised by her Crawn lands. For a similar purpose, the overthrow of Napoleon, and the treaty Spain, 'bigotted Spain, calls upon her of Paris, in the presence of the assembled Clergy's revenues. Wherefore should Monarchs of Europe.It is worthy of England not adopt similar means? These, our rejoicing, when taking a short retrotogether with the sale of a part of the spect of the last twenty years conflict, that pledged, but now monopolized, land, will those hostile bands, which conspired pay off our National Debt. Our situation against France, and took up arms to blot will thereby be alleviated; bread will be her from the Map of Europe, were discomgiven to all; industry will acquire a sti- fited, their designs frustrated, and their mulus; our children, no longer born debt-project overthrown that, while France ors, will cease to be saddled with the wild was free, the united Despots of the world extravagancies of their forefathers; and attempted her conquest in vain: when the Europe, no longer bribed by our gold, will rights of man and of nations were her be at peace; while our own lands, sub-motto, and Napoleon her General, she went divided into small farms, will, in every province, carry plenty at reduced prices. We shall no longer need to fly our paper kite. At least, by shortening its string, there will be less danger of its breaking. It may be a bitter pill to the palate of certain individuals; but it will be a most salutary medicine to the body politic; and where public advantage so preponderates, a refusal, or even hesitation, becomes treason against the nation; for, Salas Populi prima Lex.

ARISTIDES.

PUBLIC REJOICING.

forth to conquest and to glory. But when France became trained and trammeled, under a military despotism, by Napoleou himself; when, in alliance with powerful potentates, the nature of the contest changed, from freedom and independence, to subjugation and aggrandizement---having no longer justice for its basis, France herself was defeated, and hecame incapable of even defending her territory. It is worthy of remark, and subject for exultation, that before the Allies entered France, they changed their political creed; proclaimed, in every direction, their determiMR. COBBETT.The delirium of joy, nation to support the independence of naoccasioned by the downfall of Bonaparte, tions; acknowledged the injustice of inexhibited in all the various forms of pro- terfering in the choice of a Government cessions, festivals, illuminations, fireworks, for France; and recognised the right of aham fights, and park fairs, has at length every people to model their own Governsubsided; and while resting from the la- ments as they please. But although these bour and surfeit of rare-shows, we feel are occasions for rejoicing, they are mixed something like returning reason, and a with circumstances of painful regret. If disposition to inquire into our present state all the evil, injustice, violence, oppression, as a nation-whether it is such as to have and cruelty, had centered in the person of warranted those unbounded demonstra-Napoleon, and had been dethroned with tions of joy which we have lately witness-bim, our joy might have been unbounded; ed. That there are, in the present state of but when we see the same principle of agthings, occasion for rejoicing, I am ready grandizement remaining in the world, we to admit. That the blood of mankind fear all the bloodshed and misery Europe

medium, I would remind my countrymen that no pretence they have set up for attacking America, in the least exists. No Tyrant; no Despot is there. No conqueror of Europe, or gigantic power, terri fic in its magnitude, or terrible in its effects. No counterpart of the Tyrant of France, as he was called, violating the rights of men and nations. No, all this is worse than pretence. The blaze of illuminations, or the dissipation of long continued festivities, cannot conceal it from a public now become sober, and capable of reflection. The President of America rules acording to well regulated laws, and a

has endured, for these last twenty years, has not been sufficient to work its reformation; and that the evil principles which have been charged on Napoleon exclusively, are adopted by his accusers. What else is the revival of the Slave Trade by a British negociator? What the transfer of Norway? What the claim of our nation to the Sovereignty of the Ocean, and insisting on searching the vessels of neutrals ?-a pretended right which we, in no circumstances, would allow others to exercise on our own vessels. What violence of Napoleon can exceed the mode of predatory warfare we are now carrying on against America?-attacking unarmed in-wise Constitution; consulting on all occahabitants of defenceless towns, instead of sions that legitimate organ of the peoplean honourable contest with armed hosts. the Congress. Judging from the language From such circumstances as these, arising, of our corrupt Press, so far from attacking as I conceive, from a want of just princi- America on these accounts, I am led to ples, I fear, the nations of Europe, parti- suspect, that the love of freedom and indecularly our own, will, ere long, be made pendence on the part of the Americans, is to drink deep of the cup of suffering. the grievance which excites our hatred, Yes, the blood of America calls aloud for our malice, and our revenge; but the ef vengeance on the haughty supporters of fects of which, alas! seems fast recoiling corruption, who usurp the title of deity, on our own heads. In comparing the and proclaim themselves the Sovereigns of events interwoven with, and which are the the sea-an element made, like the air we result of the late Peace, we must be deeply breathe, and the earth we tread on, for the afflicted with the restoration of the Papal benefit and blessing of mankind. When Hierarchy, the Inquisition, and the Order reading the severe remonstrances of the of the Jesuits-Powers that, we know, merchants of Liverpool, for the loss of have committed ten thousand times more their vessels, and their declaration that cruelties than the deposed Napoleon. Our their ports are in a state of blockade, I No Popery heroes, fearing to give an inde cannot help involuntarily exclaiming How pendent Catholic Church equal rights; now, Sovereigns of the sea! the judg-looking on these events with complacency 'ment of Heaven appears to be coming warrant the conclusion that they have upon you. Already, those whom you at- a love for the worst of all despotisms tacked, because they were weak and un--Ecclesiastical domination, which Briprepared for war, are driven to make a dreadful retaliation; so sad in its effects as to lead the mercantile interest from the Minister to the Throne, notwithstanding all the efforts of Ministerial influence at Liverpool to prevent such a course.'-Yes, the seizure of vessels, and taking out seamen, under the pretence of their being British born, who had no possi- You are right, you are right, Mr. bility of proving their birth, appears to Cobbett, when you say, that "unluckily me so unjust, that all the raree-shows in St." for the cause of peace, all the numerous James's, could not efface the melancholy" and powerful class, who deserve their impression from my mind of the humiliation" support from the land, whether as landwe should, one day, suffer from such un- "lords, tenants, or by the owners, begin righteous proceedings. Yet, I did not" to cry out against the effects of peace, expect to hear so soon our own ports de-" and with them the American war was clared in a state of blockade, or such early complaints of an unprotected trade, and of seamen dragged into captivity. When I read the hireling prints of the day, raving at Mr. Madison, I thought their falsehoods naworthy of notice; but, through your

tain, in her better days, shed her blood to destroy. From these considerations, I am led to conclude, that either more just principles, and more honest politics must: speedily be resorted to, or our doom is sealed, and judgment at the door. R. F

THE RECKONING.

"better than no war at all."-I am happy to see that you have taken the subject of the Corn Bill into discussion, and shall peruse your remarks with pleasure. Your statement as to the import of French cattle astounds me; however I heartily rejoice