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GEORGE F. i-IOAR (1826 ——-l
THE ELOQUENT ADVOCATE OF ANTI-IMPERIALISM
HE war between the United States and Spain, and the new terT ritorial acquisitions of the United States to which it led, brought this country face to face with fresh governmental problems, some of which were very difficult to solve. This was especially the case with the Philippine acquisition, our new island group in the Pacific, with its varied and restless inhabitants, many of them unmanageable from a noble cause, that of the desire for independence. ‘ In this they found many sympathizers in the United States, who accused the Republican party leaders of a tendency to imperialism in their endeavor to subject the Filipino insurrectionists. Prominent among these was Senator George F. Hoar, who from his seat in the Senate and on the lecture platform earnestly advocated the rights of the “ under dog” in this Asiatic fight. Hoar has long been acknowledged as a man of fine statesmanship and of unimpeachable integrity, his high moral character giving weight to all his utterances '
THE ORDINANCE OF 1787
[Asa good example of Senator Hoar's oratory we offer an extract from his address at Marietta, Ohio, in 1888, during the celebration of the hundredth anniversary of the settlement of the Buckeye State, of which Marietta was the pioneer town. Many readers, indeed, may ask what was the Ordinance “ that is here placed on an equality with the Declaration of Independence.” In answer it may be stated that this celebrated ordinance was that establishing the Northwestern Territory,—-n0rth of the Ohio and east of the Mississippi,-—its significant feature being the declaration that slavery should be forever excluded from that Territory. It was this decree which Senator Hoar had in mind when he stated that the two declarations in question “devote the nation to Equality, Education, Religion, and Liberty."]
We are not here to celebrate an accident. What occurred here was premeditated, designed, foreseen. If there be in the universe a Power which ordains the course of history, we cannot fail to see in the settlement
lution of 1848, which spread throughout the continent, and ended with the exile of many of its ablest and most progressive sons. Prominent among those from Germany who sought the land of liberty beyond the seas was Carl Schurz, who came to the United States in 1852, finding a new home in Wisconsin. In this country he has been free to express his progressive sentiments, and has been very active in political labors. His career here began in 1856, with speeches in German in favor of Fremont. In 1860, having learned English, he canvassed several States for the election of Lincoln, and won a high reputation as an orator. He was rewarded by being appointed Minister to Spain, and in 1862 he entered the army as brigadier-general, and fought through two years of the war. Removing to St. Louis in 1868, Missouri sent him to the United States Senate, and under President Hayes he served in the Cabinet as Secretary of the Interior. As a public speaker Mr. Schurz is plain and direct in style, not given to ornamental language, yet strong and effective. He is an able writer, his “Life of Henry Clay” in especial being regarded as a classic of its kind. He has also written a “ Life of Abraham Lincoln.”
M ORE than half acentury has passed since the European Revo
AIVINESTY FOR THE CONQUERED
[The orations of Carl Schurz cover a wide range of time and subjects. Old as he has grown to-day, he preserves his fluency as a speaker. In selecting from his many speeches, however, we go back to that period after the war, when the question of amnesty for the South was before Congress, and give Schurz’s eloquent and humane views upon this subject. The contrast which he pictures between the conditions of the two sections is animated and striking, and his plea for mercy to the subjected one of the most forcible that could be made] ,
CARL scubaz 189
Sir, I have to say a few words about an accusation which has been brought against those who speak in favor of universal amnesty. It is the accusation resorted to, in default of more solid argument, that those who advise amnesty, especially universal amnesty, do so because they have fallen in love with the rebels. No, sir, it is not merely for the rebels I plead. We are asked, Shall the rebellion go entirely unpunished ? No, sir, it shall not. Neither do I think that the rebellion has gone entirely unpunished. I ask you, had the rebels nothing to lose but their lives and their offices? Look at it. There was a proud and arrogant aristocracy, planting their feet on the necks of the laboring people, and pretending _to be the horn rulers of this great republic. They looked down, not only upon their slaves, but also upon the people of the North, with the haughty contempt of self-asserting superiority. When their pretentions to rule us all were first successfully disputed, they resolved to destroy this republic, and to build up on the corner-stone of slavery an empire of their own, in which they could hold absolute sway. They made the attempt with the most overwhelmingly confident expectation of certain victory. Then came the Civil War, and after four years of struggle their whole power and pride lay shivered to atoms at our feet, their sons dead by tens of thousands on the battlefields of this country, their fields and their homes devastated, their fortunes destroyed ; and, more than that, the whole social system in which they had their being, with their hopes and pride, utterly wiped out ; slavery forever abolished, and the slaves themselves created a political power before which they had to how their heads ; and they, broken, ruined, helpless, and hopeless in the dust before those upon whom they had so haughtily looked down as their vassals and inferiors. Sir, can it be said that the rebellion has gone entirely unpunished ?
You may object that the loyal people, too, were subjected to terrible sufferings; that their sons, too, were slaughtered by tens of thousands; that the mourning of countless widows and orphans is still darkening our land ; that we are groaning under terrible burdens which the rebellion has loaded upon us ; and that, therefore, part of the punishment has fallen upon the innocent. And it is certainly true.
But look at the difference. We issued from this great conflict as conquerors ; upon the graves of our slain we could lay the wreath of victory ; our widows and orphans, while mourning the loss of their dearest, still remember with proud exultation that the blood of their husbands and fathers was not spilled in vain ; that it flowed for the greatest and holiest and at the same time the most victorious of causes ; and when our people labor in the sweat of their brow to pay the debt which the rebellion has loaded upon us, they do it with the proud consciousness that the heavy WILLIAM McKINLEY 195
President of the United States in 1896, and again in 1900, the SpanishAmerican \Var and the Philippine insurrection making his adminis' tration a notably exciting one. The fatal deed which closed his career took place during a visit to the Pan-American Exposition at Buffalo, N. Y., death coming to him on September 14, 1901, a week after the anarchist’s deadly act.
THE AGENCIES OF MODERN PROSPERITY
[On September 5, 1901, the day before his fatal wound was received, President McKinley delivered before an assembled multitude at the Buffalo Exposition an address which attracted attention throughout the nation, alike from the fact that it was his final one, and that it suggested the growing need of a change in the tariff policy which he had for many years upheld. In view of these facts we give here the salient points of this significant and interesting address]
Expositions are the timekeepers of progress. They record the world’s advancement. They stimulate the energy, enterprise and intellect of the people, and quicken human genius. _ They go into the home. They ' broaden and brighten the daily life of the people. They open mighty storehouses of information to the student. Every exposition, great or small, has helped to some onward step. Comparison of ideas is always educational, and as such instructs the brain and hand of man. Friendly riValry follows, which is the spur to industrial improvement, the inspiration to useful invention and to high endeavor in all departments of human activity. It exacts a study of 'the wants, comforts, and even the whims of the people, and recognizes the eflicacy of high quality and new prices to win their favor.
The quest for trade is an incentive to men of business to devise, invent, improve and economize in the cost of production. Business life, whether among ourselves, or with other people, is ever a sharp struggle for success. It will be none the less so in the future. Without competition we would be clinging to the clumsy and antiquated processes of farming and manufacture and the methods of business of long ago, and the twentieth would be no further advanced than the eighteenth century. But, though commercial competitors we are, commercial enemies we must not be. . .
After all, how near one to the other is every part of the world. Modern inventions have brought into close relation widely separated peoples and made them better acquainted. Geographic and political divisions will continue to exist, but distances have been efl'aced. Swift ships and fast trains are becoming cosmopolitan. They invade fields which a few years ago were impenetrable. The world’s products are exchanged as