be against us.

while the final

ever seen.

Let there be no pusillanimous yielding decision is still in the balance. Let us

relax no effort in this, the greatest crisis the Republic has Let us never cease to invoke the good sense, the honesty and the patriotic pride of the people. Let us raise high the flag of our country-not as an emblem of reckless adventure and greedy conquest, of betrayed professions and broken pledges, of criminal aggression and arbitrary rule over subject populations—but the old, the true flag, the flag of George Washington and Abraham Lincoln; the flag of the government of, for and by the people; the flag of National faith held sacred and of National honor unsullied; the flag of human rights and of good example to all nations; the flag of true civilization, peace and good-will to all men. Under it let us stand to the last, whatever betide.

And now, although much more might be said on this momentous subject, I must close. Before taking leave of you, Mr. President, teachers, students and friends of the University of Chicago, permit me to congratulate you on the growth and success of this great institution of learning. Accept my heartiest wishes that it may continue to prosper and flourish, sowing the good seed, and that the American youths who drink at its fountains may go forth into the world true devotees of science and truth, firm pillars of justice and right, and dauntless champions of the free institutions of government which they have inherited from their fathers, and should leave unimpaired in vigor and integrity to coming generations.

TO CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS, JR.

NEW YORK, Jan. 16, 1899.

This time I have to dictate my answer to your letter on account of the grippe, which, however, is gradually passing

away-at least I hope so, although nobody can tell what the treacherous monster may do.

I agree with you that we ought to have a meeting of some kindred spirits as soon as possible and I hope you will be here before long and let me know some time in advance!

The news from Washington, confirmed by Mr. Carnegie whom I saw yesterday, is that the imperialists there are in full retreat, and that they are looking out for all sorts of things to cover their discomfiture. They had advanced to the point where they could not go any further without shooting down Filipinos fighting for their independence. This idea called forth a growl from the country which made Mr. McKinley shiver. Moreover, there is reason for believing that the condition of our troops in the Philippines is very bad, and that the necessity of any campaigning there would bring upon us very disastrous consequences.

In short, "eventual independence" is the word now and the thing which we shall have really to fight in such tricks as the imperialists may use to extend and prolong our military occupation.

I think that Chandler's letter has to be read in that light. There will be no trouble at all about the Spanish captives as soon as we put ourselves with the Filipinos upon a footing of good faith and friendly coöperation. They will then, no doubt, do us any favor for the asking.

As to the intention of Germany to pounce upon the Philippine Islands as soon as our forces are withdrawn, nothing could be more absurd. I became firmly convinced of this by a conversation I had, immediately after his return from Europe, with the German Ambassador, Mr. von Holleben. He gave me the most ample proof, that the German Government did not only not intend to cross our purposes in any way, but that it was on the contrary bent upon doing its utmost to remain on friendly terms

with the United States. It seems to me the true policy is for the United States to secure an agreement of the Powers most interested in that region to put the Philippine Islands under the cover of a guarantee of neutrality, as Belgium and Switzerland are covered in Europe.

The only Power that might feel inclined to frustrate such a scheme might be Great Britain, who would like to force us to take the Philippines for good and thus become dependent in a sense, upon her protection.

I had a letter from Senator Hoar which indicates that their fight against the treaty will be for time and I think this is wise. We are evidently growing stronger every day. The irritated tone of the imperialistic press indicates that they feel defeat in their bones.

FROM GUSTAV H. SCHWAB AND OTHERS

NEW YORK, Feb. 14, 1899.

Dear Sir: On behalf of a large number of your fellowcitizens who hold you in sincere affection and high esteem we desire to tender to you the tribute of a complimentary dinner on the seventieth anniversary of your birth, as a formal recognition of your personal qualities and of the great public services you have rendered to the land of your adoption.

If agreeable to you your friends will entertain you at dinner on Thursday, March 2d, at 6.30 o'clock P.M., at Delmonico's, Forty-fourth street and Fifth avenue.

TO HERBERT WELSH

NEW YORK, Feb. 25, 1899.

Private.

So they have pressed you into the service! I sympathize with you, as I trust you do with me.

What I did with regard to the public forests was simply

to arrest devastation, in which I partially succeeded, and for which I was lustily denounced, and to strive from year to year to obtain from Congress legislation for the protection of the forests, in which I largely failed. Something in that line has since been done-how effective it is, I do not know.

I made great efforts to draw the attention of Congress and of the public to the matter through my official reports. I think I was the first Secretary who did so, but I am not quite sure.

What is to come out of that horrible Philippine business? Who knows? I do not believe this would be a propitious moment for a concerted effort to bring the true nature of the case to the consideration of the people. But as events develop themselves, it will soon be our duty, I think, to cry aloud and spare not.

AT THREESCORE AND TEN1

MR. CHAIRMAN AND FRIENDS:-I stand here as a victim of misplaced confidence. When, some time ago, Mr. Schwab asked me whether I would accept an invitation to dine with some friends on or about my seventieth birthday, I gladly consented, expecting a quiet evening with a small circle of intimates. Gradually I learned that the matter was assuming formidable proportions; but then it was too late to retract. And now I find myself here in the presence of hundreds, and my whole biography is mercilessly thrown at me in public, while I have no fair opportunity for defending myself. I am accustomed to the discussion. of public questions but not to the discussion of my personal concerns. Being, in a sense, called upon to do

Speech at the banquet given in honor of his seventieth birthday, at Delmonico's, New York, March 2, 1899.

this, the situation is to me extremely embarrassing. If I accepted all this praise, it would be egotism; if I declined it, it would be an ungracious criticism of the partiality of my friends. I can, therefore, only thank you, all and each of you, for these honors, and all those who, from far and near, to-day have fairly overwhelmed me with their kindness; and that I do from the very bottom of my heart.

Some of the things I have heard to-night about myself can be said with safety of any man only when he is dead and gone, and the sum of his life has been judicially struck after a proper review of the evidence. But, although the first exuberance of youth may be behind me, I flatter myself with being still alive, wishing and hoping to live a little while longer, and to take more or less interest in the affairs of the living. Sweeping praise is, therefore, attended with some risk to those who utter it, for they do not know what may still be coming to make them sorry for what they have said.

Indeed, among the friends I see here there are many who now and then have-I will not say been angry with me, but who have seriously disagreed with me about the treatment of this or that public question. From the fact of their doing me the honor of being here, I may conclude -not, indeed, that they have changed their opinions, but that, holding the same opinions still, they have, in spite of those differences, some reason to believe me at least sincere in what I said and did. And I hope you will not think it too egotistical on my part when I say that in this belief they are not mistaken.

I have, doubtless, sometimes committed grave errors of observation or of judgment, but I may affirm that in my long public activity I have always sought to inform myself about the things I had to deal with, and that in my utterances on public interests I have never said any