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tol, within the last twenty-four hours, among men sent here to devise means for the public safety and the pub. lic good, it has been vaunted forth, as a matter of boast and triumph, that one cause existed, powerful enough to support every thing, and to defend every thing; and that was the cause of the Rich against the Poor.

Sir, I pronounce the author of such sentiments to be guilty of attempting a detestable fraud on the community; a double fraud; a fraud which is to cheat inen out of their property, and out of the earnings of their labor, by first cheating them out of their understandings.

"The natural hatred of the poor to the rich!" Sir, it shall not be till the last moment of my existence, it shall be only when I am drawn to the verge of oblivion, when I shall cease to have respect or affection for any thing on earth, that I will believe the people of the United States capable of being effectually deluded, cajoled, and driven about in herds by such abominable hands as these. If they shall sink to that point; if they so far cease to be men, thinking men, intelligent men, as to yield to such pretences and such clamor, they will be slaves already-slaves to their own passions, slaves to the fraud and knavery of pretended friends. They will deserve to be blotted out of all the records of freedom; they ought not to dishonor the cause of self. government by attempting any longer to exercise it; they ought to keep their unwotrhy hands entirely off from the cause of Republican liberty, if they are capable of being the victims of artifices so shallow-of tricks so stale, so threadbare, so much practised, so much worn out, on serfs and slaves.

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GOOD AND BAD INTENTIONS.

Good motives may always be supposed, as bad motives may always be imputed. Good intentions will af ways be pleaded for every assumption of power; but they cannot justify it, even if we were sure that they existed. It is hardly too strong to say that the Constitution was made to guard the people against the dangers of good intention, real or pretended. When bad inten tions are boldly avowed, the people will promptly take care of themselves. On the other hand, they will always be asked, why they should resist or question that exercise of power which is so fair in its object, so plausible and patriotic in appearance, and which has the public good alone confessedly in view? Human things, we may be assured, will generally exercise power when they can get it; and they will exercise it most undoubtedly in popular governments, under pretences of public safety or high public interest. It may be very possible that good intentions do really sometimes exist when Constitutional restraints are disregarded. There are men in all ages who mean to exercise power usefully, but who mean to exercise it. They mean to govern well, but they mean to govern. They promise to be kind masters, but they mean to be masters. They think there need be but little restraint upon themselves. Their notion of the public interest is apt to be quite closely connected with their own exercise of authority. They may not, indeed, always understand their own motives. The love of power may sink too deep in their hearts even for their own scrutiny, and may pass with themselves for mere patriotism and benevolence.

A character has been drawn of a very eminent citizen of Massachusetts of the last age, which, though I think it does not entirely belong to him, yet very well describes a certain class of public men. It was said of this distinguished son of Massachusetts, that in matters of politics and government he cherished the most kind and benevolent feelings towards the whole earth. He earnestly desired to see all nations well governed: and, to bring about this happy result, he wished that the United States might govern the rest of the world; that Massachusetts might govern the United States; that Boston might govern Massachusetts; and as for himself, his own hum. ble ambition would be satisfied by governing the little town of Boston.

AMERICAN CITIZENSHIP.

Under the present Constitution, wisely and conscientiously administered, all are safe, happy, and renowned. The measure of our country's fame may fill our breasts. It is fame enough for us all to partake in her glory, if we will carry her character onward to its true destiny. But if the system is broken, its fragments must fall alike on all. Not only the cause of American Liberty, but the cause of Liberty throughout the whole earth, depends, in a great measure, on upholding the Constitution and Union of these States. If shattered and destroyed, no matter by what cause, the peculiar and cherished idea of United American Liberty, will be no more for ever. There may be free States, it is possible, when there shall be separate States. There may be many loose, and fee. ble, and hostile confederacies, where there is now one great and united confederacy. But the noble idea of

United American Liberty, of our Liberty, such as our fathers established it, will be extinguished for ever. Frag. ments and severed columns of the edifice may be found remaining, and melancholy and mournful ruins will they be; the august temple itself will be prostrate in the dust. Gentlemen, the citizens of this Republic cannot sever their fortunes. A common fate awaits us. In the hon. or of upholding, or in the disgrace of undermining, the Constitution, we shall all necessarily partake. Let us, then, stand by the Constitution as it is, and by our country as it is; one, united and entire; let it be a truth engraven on our hearts, let it be borne on the flag under which we rally in every exigency, that we have ONE COUNTRY, ONE CONSTITUTION, one Destiny.

EXCLUSIVE METALLIC CURRENCY.

Sir, what a money counting, tinkling, jingling generation we shall be. All the money changers in Solomon's temple will be as nothing to us. Our sound will go forth unto all lands. We shall all be like the king in the ditty of the nursery

"There sat the King a counting of his money."

UNION.

I am where I have ever been and ever mean to be. Here, standing on the platform of the general Constitution-a platform broad enough, and firm enough to uphold every interest of the whole country-I shall still be found. Intrusted with some part in the administra. tion of that Constitution, I intend to act in its spirit, and in the spirit of those who framed it. Yes, sir, I would act as if our fathers, who formed it for us, and who be.

queathed it to us, were looking on me-as if I could see their venerable forms, bending down to behold us from the abodes above. I would act, too, as if the eye of pos terity was gazing on me.

Standing thus, as in the full gaze of our ancestors, and our posterity, having received this inheritance from the former to be transmitted to the latter; and feeling that if I am born for any good in my day and generation, it is for the good of the whole country, no local policy or lo❤cal feeling, no temporary impulse, shall induce me to yield my foothold on the Constitution and the Union. I move off under no banner not known to the whole American People, and to their Constitution and laws. No, sir, these walls, these columns

"fly

From their firm base as soon as I."

I came into public life, sir, in the service of the Uni. ted States. On that broad altar my earliest and all my public vows have been made. I propose to serve no other master. So far as depends on any agency of mine, they shall continue United States; united in interest and in affection; united in every thing in regard to which the Constitution has decreed their union; united in war, for the common defence, the common renown, and the common glory; and united, compacted, knit firm. ly together in peace, for the common prosperity and happiness of ourselves and our children.

THE SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY.

Sir, our condition is peculiar. One hardly knows how to describe it. In the midst of all the bounties of providence, and in a time of profound peace, we are poor.

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