Address to the Army of Italy-Napoleon

Bonaparte: Soldiers, you are precipitated like a torrent from the heights of the Apennines; you have overthrown and dispersed all that dared to oppose your march. Piedmont, rescued from Austrian tyranny, is left to its natural sentiments of regard and friendship to the French. Milan is yours; and the republican standard is displayed throughout all Lombardy. The Dukes of Parma and Modena are indebted for their political existence only to your generosity.

The army, which so proudly menaced you, has had no other barrier than its dissolution

to oppose your invincible courage. The Po, the Tessen, the Adda, could not retard you a single day. The vaunted bulwarks of Italy were insufficient. You swept them with the same rapidity that you did the Apennines. Those successes have carried joy into the bosom of your country. Your representatives decreed a festival dedicated to your victories, and to be celebrated throughout all the communes of the republic. Now your fathers, your mothers, your wives, and your sisters will rejoice in your success, and take pride in their relation to you.

All Men Fit for Freedom-Father "Tom» Burke: The Parliament of 1872 was a failure, I grant it. Mr. Froude says that that Parliament was a failure because the Irish are incapable of self-legislation. It is a serious charge to make now against any people, my friends. I who am not supposed to be a philosopher, and, because of the habit that I wear, am supposed not to be a man of very large mind-I stand up here to-night and I assert my conviction that there is not a nation or a race under the sun that is not capable of self-legislation, and that has not a right to the inheritance of freedom. From his reply to Froude, New York, 1872.

Altruism-Henry D. Estabrooke: I need scarcely to explain to this audience that the deep moral principle underlying the War of the Rebellion, its motive and real provocative, was altogether obscured in the fierce jargon of polemical debates and constitutional refinements. No party could have hoped to win with "Abolition" in its platform. Yet God knew, Lincoln knew, Grant knew, the subconsciousness of the people realized, that slavery must go. Was ever such a masquerade with fate? But oh! my friends, it is one thing to fight for one's own manhood-our forefathers did that; Patrick Henry proclaimed it; and Washington vindicated the proclamation; it is quite another thing to fight for manhood in the abstract for the freedom of others, and they the weakest, forlornest, most unfriended of all creatures. It was precisely this altruistic awakening which made the War of the Rebellion the holiest of all time. It stands unique, the one unselfish warfare in the history of the world.

Selfishness has been the motive force of life since Adam delved and Eve spun. We have been taught that "talons and claws" is Nature's supremest law. So it could not have been wholly a human impulse which drove man to pour out their blood "like dust," as Job puts it, in defense of a sentiment they scarcely understood -so novel that it bewildered consciousness. No, it was the Golden Rule grown militant. From an address delivered at Galena, Ill., 1895.

Andocides Against Epichares, One of the Thirty Tyrants: Speak, slanderer, accursed knave is this law valid or not valid? Invalid, I imagine, only for this reason,- that the operation of the laws must be dated from the archonship of Eucleides. So you live, and walk about this city, as you little deserve to do; you who, under the democracy, lived by

pettifogging, and under the oligarchy - lest you should be forced to give back all the profits of that trade- became the instrument of the Thirty.

The truth is, judges, that as I sat here, while he accused me, and as I looked at him, I fancied myself nothing else than a prisoner at the bar of the Thirty. Had this trial been in their time, who would have been accusing me? Was not this man ready to accuse, if I had not given him money? He has done it now.

Can you suppose, judges, that my fate, as your champion, would have been other than this, if I had been caught by the Tyrants? I should have been destroyed by them, as they destroyed many others, for having done no wrong to Athens. From the speech on the Mysteries, delivered at Athens, c. 417 B. C.

Antiphon-Unjust Prosecutions: The God, when it was his will to create mankind, begat the earliest of our race and gave us for nourishers the earth and sea, that we might not die, for want of needful sustenance, before the term of old age. Whoever, then, having been deemed worthy of these things by the God, lawlessly robs any one among us of life, is impious towards heaven and confounds the ordinances of men. The dead man, robbed of the God's gift, necessarily bequeaths, as that God's punishment, the anger of avenging spirits-anger which unjust judges or false witnesses, becoming partners in the impiety of the murderer, bring, as a self-sought defilement, into their own houses. We, the champions of the murdered, if for any collateral enmity we prosecute innocent persons, shall find, by our failure to vindicate the dead, dread avengers in the spirits which hear his curse; while, by putting the pure to a wrongful death, we become liable to the penalties of murder, and, in persuading you to violate the law, responsible for your sin also.-From the Third Tetralogy of Antiphon (born at Athens, c. 480 B. C.)

Arbitrary Power Anarchical-Edmund Burke Law and arbitrary power are in eternal enmity. Name me a magistrate, and I will name property; name me power, and I will name protection. It is a contradiction in terms, it is blasphemy in religion, it is wickedness in politics, to say that any man can have arbitrary power.

Arbitrary Power and Conquest-Edmund Burke Arbitrary power is not to be had by conquest. Nor can any sovereign have it by succession; for no man can succeed to fraud, rapine, and violence. Those who give and those who receive arbitrary power are alike criminal; and there is no man but is bound to resist it to the best of his power, wherever it Ishall show its face to the world.

Armament not Necessary-Richard Cobden: I sometimes quote the United States of America; and I think in this matter of national defense, they set us a very good example. Does anybody dare to attack that nation? There is not a more formidable power, in every

sense of the word, although you may talk of France and Russia,-than the United States of America; and there is not a statesman with a head on his shoulders who does not know it, and yet the policy of the United States has been to keep a very small amount of armed force in existence. At the present moment, they have not a line-of-battle ship afloat, notwithstanding the vast extension of their commercial marine.-From a speech delivered in 1850.

Bancroft, George Individual Sovereignty

and Vested Right in Slaves: The slave born on our soil always owed allegiance to the General Government. It may in time past have been a qualified allegiance, manifested through his master, as the allegiance of a ward through its guardian, or of an infant through its parent. But when the master became false to his allegiance, the slave stood face to face with his country; and his allegiance, which may before have been a qualified one, became direct and immediate. His chains fell off, and he rose at once in the presence of the nation, bound, like the rest of us, to its defense. Mr. Lincoln's proclamation did but take notice of the already existing right of the bondman to freedom. The treason of the master made it a public crime for the slave to continue his obedience; the treason of a state set free the collective bondmen of that state.

This doctrine is supported by the analogy of precedents. In the times of feudalism the treason of the lord of the manor deprived him of his serfs; the spurious feudalism that existed among us differs in many respects from the feudalism of the Middle Ages, but so far the precedent runs parallel with the present case; for treason the master then, for treason the master now, loses his slaves.

In the Middle Ages the sovereign appointed another lord over the serfs and the lands which they cultivated; in our day the sovereign makes them masters of their own persons, lords over themselves. From a speech on the death of President Lincoln in 1865.

Bayonets as Agencies of ReconciliationChatham: How can America trust you, with the bayonet at her breast? How can she suppose that you mean less than bondage or death? I therefore move that an address be presented to his Majesty, advising that immediate orders be despatched to General Gage, for removing his Majesty's forces from the town of Boston. The way must be immediately opened for reconciliation.

Beck, James M.-Expansion and the Spanish War: Our nation is to-day feeling that instinct of expansion which is the predominant characteristic of the Anglo-Saxon race. It is bred in our bone and courses with our lifeblood, and the statesmen of our day must take it into account and endeavor to wisely control it. There is with us, as with our great mother empire, a national instinct for territorial growth, "so powerful and accurate, that statesmen of

every school, willing or unwilling, have found themselves carried along by a tendency which no individuality can resist or greatly modify." We could as hopefully bid the Mississippi cease its flow toward the sea, or the Missouri to remain chained within its rocky sources, as to prevent the onward movement of this great, proud, generous, and aggressive people. This was true of the day of our weakness, it is true in this, the day of our strength.- From an oration at the Omaha Exposition in 1898.

Benevolent Assimilation *William McKinley Finally it should be the earnest and paramount aim of the military administration to win the confidence, respect, and affection of the inhabitants of the Philippines by so saving them in every possible way that full measure of individual rights and liberty which is the heritage of free people, and by proving to them that the mission of the United States is one of benevolent assimilation, substituting the mild sway of justice and right for arbitrary rule. From instructions sent to General Otis, December 27th, 1898, signed by the President, December 21st.

Benevolent Assimilation and Manifest Providence Reverend Doctor Wayland Hoyt, of Philadelphia: Christ is the solution of the difficulty regarding national expansion. There never was a more manifest Providence than the waving of Old Glory over the Philippines. The only thing we can do is to thrash the natives until they understand who we are. I believe every bullet sent, every cannon shot, every flag waved means righteousness.- March 1899.

Beveridge, A. J. Just Government and the Consent of the Governed: The Declaration of Independence does not forbid us to do our part in the regeneration of the world. If it did, the Declaration would be wrong, just as the Articles of Confederation drafted by the very same men who signed the Declaration was found to be wrong. The Declaration has no application to the present situation. It was written by self-governing men for self-governing men. It was written by men who, for a century and a half, had been experimenting in self-government on this continent, and whose ancestors for hundreds of years before had been gradually developing toward that high and holy estate. The Declaration applies only to people capable of self-government. How dare any man prostitute this expression of the very elect of self-governing peoples to a race of Malay children of barbarism, schooled in Spanish methods and ideas? And you, who say the Declaration applies to all men, how dare you deny its application to the American Indian? And if you deny it to the Indian at home, how dare you grant it to the Malay abroad?

The Declaration does not contemplate that all government must have the consent of the governed. It announces that man's "inalienable rights are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness; that to secure these rights govern* Beneficent" in some versions.

ments are established among men deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed; that when any form of government becomes destructive of those rights, it is the right of the people to alter or abolish it." "Life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness" are the important things; "consent of the governed" is one of the means to those ends. If any form of government becomes destructive of those ends, it is the right of the people to alter or abolish it," says the Declaration. "Any form » includes all forms. Thus the Declaration itself recognizes other forms of government than those resting on the consent of the governed. The word "consent" itself recognizes other forms, for "consent" means the understanding of the thing to which the "consent" is given; and there are people in the world who do not understand any form of government. And the sense in which "consent" is used in the Declaration is broader than mere understanding; for "consent," in the Declaration, means participation in the government "consented » to. And yet these people who are not capable of consenting" to any form of government must be governed. And so, the Declaration contemplates all forms of government which secure the fundamental rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness; self-government, when that will best secure these ends, as in the case of people capable of self-government; other appropriate forms when people are not capable of self-government.- From a speech in the United States Senate, January 10th, 1900, supporting a resolution to retain the Philippine Islands under such government as the situation demands.

Bible and Sharp's Rifles - Henry Ward Beecher: You might just as well read the Bible to buffaloes as to those fellows who follow Atchison and Stringfellow; but they have a supreme respect for the logic that is embodied in Sharp's rifles.- From a speech to a Kansas Immigration Meeting at Plymouth Church.

Blifil and Black George-John Randolph : I was defeated-by the coalition of Blifil and Black George-by the combination, unheard of till then, of the Puritan with the blackleg. -1826.

Boston the Hub - Oliver Wendell Holmes: Boston statehouse is the hub of the solar system.-1858.

Brilliancy in Oratory-Quintilian: Brilliant thoughts I reckon the eyes of eloquence. But I would not have the body all eyes.

Burke, Father "Tom" - America and Ireland: There is another nation that understands Ireland, whose statesmen have always spoken words of brave encouragement, of tender sympathy, and of manly hope for Ireland in her dark days, and that nation is the United States of America-the mighty land placed by the Omnipotent Hand between the Far East on the one side, to which she stretches out her glorious arms over the broad Pacific, while on the other side she sweeps with uplifted hand over the

Atlantic and touches Europe. A mighty land, including in her ample bosom untold resources of every form of commercial and mineral wealth; a migaty land, with room for three hundred millions of men. The oppressed of all the world over are flying to her more than imperial bosom, there to find liberty and the sacred right of civil and religious freedom. Is there not reason to suppose that in the future which we cannot see to-day, but which lies before us, that America will be to the whole world what Rome was in the ancient days, what England was a few years ago, the great storehouse of the world, the great ruler-pacific ruler by justice of the whole world, her manufacturing power dispensing from out her mighty bosom all the necessaries and all the luxuries of life to the whole world around her? She may be destined, and I believe she is, to rise rapidly into that gigantic power that will overshadow all other nations.

When that conclusion does come to pass, what is more natural than that Ireland-now I suppose mistress of her destinies-should turn and stretch all the arms of her sympathy and love across the intervening waves of the Atlantic, and be received an independent State into the mighty confederation of America? Mind, I am not speaking treason. Remember I said distinctly that all this is to come to pass after Macaulay's New Zealander has arrived. America will require an emporium for her European trade, and Ireland lies there right between her and Europe with her ample rivers and vast harbors, able to shelter the vessels and fleets. America may require a great European storehouse, a great European hive for her manufactures. Ireland has enormous water power, now flowing idly to the sea, but which will in the future be used in turning the wheels set to these streams by American-Irish capital and Irish industry. If ever that day come, if ever that union come, it will be no degradation to Ireland to join hands with America, because America does not enslave her States; she accepts them on terms of glorious equality; she respects their rights, and blesses all who cast their lot with her.-Peroration of the fifth address against Froude, New York, 1872.

But One Life to Lose-Nathan Hale: I only regret that I have but one life to lose for my country.- Last words on the scaffold, New York, September 22d, 1776.

Canu

nuleius - Against the Patricians (Paraphrased from Livy): This is not the first time, O Romans, that patrician arrogance has denied to us the rights of a common humanity. What do we now demand? First, the right of intermarriage; and then that the people may confer honors on whom they please. And why, in the name of Roman manhood, my countrymen,-why should these poor boons be refused? Why for claiming them, was I near being assaulted, just now in the senate house? Will the city no longer stand,-will the empire be dissolved, because we claim that plebeians shall

no longer be excluded from the consulship? Truly the patricians will, by and by, begrudge us a participation in the light of day; they will be indignant that we breathe the same air; that we share with them the faculty of speech; that we wear the forms of human beings!

Capital Punishment for Crimes Fostered by Misgovernment-Lord Byron: Are there not capital punishments sufficient in your statutes? Is there not blood enough upon your penal code, that more must be poured forth, to ascend to heaven and testify against you? How will you carry this bill into effect? Can you commit a whole country to their own prison? Will you erect a gibbet in every field, and hang up men like scarecrows? or will you proceed as you must, to bring this measure into effect by decimation; place the country under martial law; depopulate and lay waste all around you; and restore Sherwood Forest as an acceptable gift to the Crown, in its former condition of a royal chase, and an asylum for outlaws? Are these the remedies for a starying and desperate populace? Will the famished wretch who has braved your bayonets be appalled by your gibbets? When death is a relief, and the only relief, it appears, that you will afford him, will he be dragooned into tranquillity? Will that which could not be effected by your grenadiers be accomplished by your executioners?

Carrying War Into Africa-Scipio: In fact even though the war were not to be brought to a speedier conclusion by the method which I propose, still it would concern the dignity of the Roman people, and their reputation among foreign kings and nations, that we should appear to have spirit, not only to defend Italy, but to carry our arms into Africa; and that it should not be spread abroad, and believed, that no Roman general dared what Hannibal had dared; and that, in the former Punic War, when the contest was about Sicily, Africa had been often attacked by our fleets and armies; but that now, when the contest is about Italy, Africa should enjoy peace. Let Italy, so long harassed, enjoy at length some repose; let Africa, in its turn, feel fire and sword. Let the Roman camp press on the very gates of Carthage, rather than that we, a second time, should behold our walls the rampart of that of the enemy. Let Africa, in short, be the seat of the remainder of the war: thither be removed terror and flight, devastation of lands, revolt of allies, and all the other calamities with which, for fourteen years, we have been afflicted. It is sufficient that I have delivered my sentiments on those matters which affect the state, the dispute in which we are involved, and the provinces under consideration: my discourse would be tedious and unsuitable to this audience, if, as Quintus Fabius has depreciated my services in Spain, I should, on the other hand, endeavor in like manner to disparage his glory and extol my own. I shall do neither, conscript fathers; but young as I am, I will show that I