dwell together in unity."- From a speech of April 2d, 1879, delivered in the House of Rep resentatives on the Army Bill. We Must Hang Together - Benjamin Franklin: We must all hang together, or assuredly we shall all hang separately.- Said at the signing of the Declaration of Independence, July 4th, 1776. What Are We Here For -Webster M. Flanagan: What are we here for but the offices? At the Republican National Convention, Chicago, 1880. Whig Spirit of the Eighteenth Century Chatham: The spirit which now resists your taxation in America is the same which formerly opposed loans, benevolences, and Ship Money in England; the same spirit which called all England on its legs, and by the Bill of Rights vindicated the English Constitution; the same spirit which established the great fundamental essential maxim of your liberties, that no subject of England shall be taxed but by his own consent. This glorious Whig spirit animates three millions in America who prefer poverty with liberty to gilded chains and sordid affluence, and who will die in defense of their rights as men, as freemen. Why Not Let Well Enough Alone?- John B. Henderson: We are now entering upon an untried experiment in our system of government. Why not let well enough alone? Imperialism contains more armed soldiers than the fabled wooden horse of Troy. Imperialism reverses the entire theory of selfgovernment. It discards the wisdom of our fathers, repudiates, without shame, the Monroe Doctrine, and joins hands with the execrated Holy Alliance. It rejects the civil equality of men and accepts, without protest, the oppressions and despotism of the sixteenth century. This war in the Philippines brings us back into the shadows of the Dark Ages. It is a war for which no justification can be urged. As no reasons could be assigned for its existence, Congress was ashamed to make up any record of its declaration. It has scarcely better excuse than the wars of subjugation waged by imperial Rome, whose object was to plunder, and enslave the weak, and whose result was, in the language of its own historian, to make a desert of other lands and call it peace.- From an address delivered at St. Louis, February 1899, on Imperialism. Wilmot, David -«Fanaticism" and "Property Rights: The instincts of money are the same the world over-the same here as in the most grinding despotism of Europe. Money is cold, selfish, heartless. It has no pulse of humanity, no feelings of pity or of love. Interest, gain, accumulation, are the sole instincts of its nature; and it is the same, whether invested in manufacturing stock, bank stock, or the black stock of the South. Intent on its own interest, it is utterly regardless of the rights of humanity. It would coin dividends out of the destruction of souls. Here, then, sir, we have sixteen hundred millions of capital - heartless, unfeeling capital, intent on its own pecuniary advancement. It is here, sir, in these halls, in desperate conflict with the rights of humanity and of free labor. It is struggling to clutch in its iron grasp the, soil of the country-that soil which is man's inheritance, and which of right should belong to him who labors upon it. Sixteen hundred millions of dollars demands the soil of our territories in perpetuity, for its human chattels-to drive back the free laborer from his rightful field of enterprisefrom his lawful and God-given inheritance. Slavery must have a wider field, or the money value of flesh and blood will deteriorate. Additional security and strength must be given to the holders of human stock. What though humanity should shriek and wail? Money is insatiate-capital is deaf to the voice of its pleadings. To oppose the extension of slavery to resist in the councils of the nation the demands of this huge money power-to advocate the rights of humanity and of free labor is, in the estimation of the gentleman from Illinois, to be sectional and fanatical. To bow down to this money power-to do its bidding to be its instrument and its tool, is doubtless, in the esteem of the gentleman, to stand upon a "broad and national platform." Freedom and humanity, truth and justice, is a platform too narrow for his enlarged and comprehensive mind, the universality of slavery can alone fill its capacious powers. Slavery is democratic-freedom fanatical! Sir, the gentleman no doubt sees fanaticism in a bold and fearless advocacy of the right. With some minds nothing is rational and practical except that which pays well.- From a speech in Congress, July 24th, 1856. Winthrop, Robert C.-The Union of 1776: Our fathers were no propagandists of republican institutions in the abstract. Their own adoption of a republican form was, at the moment, almost as much a matter of chance as of choice, of necessity as of preference. The thirteen colonies had, happily, been too long accustomed to manage their own affairs, and were too widely jealous of each other, also, to admit for an instant any idea of centralization; and without centralization a monarchy, or any other form of arbitrary government, was out of the question. Union was then, as it is now, the only safety for liberty; but it could only be a constitutional union, a limited and restricted union, founded on compromises and mutual concessions; a union recognizing a large measure of State rights-resting not only on the division of powers among legislative and executive departments, but resting also on the distribution of powers between the States and the Nation, both deriving their original authority from the people, and exercising that authority for the people. This was the system contemplated by the declaration of 1776. This was the system approximated to by the confederation of 1778-81. This was the system finally consummated by the Constitution of 1789. And under this system our great example of self-government has been held up before the nations, fulfilling, so far as it has fulfilled it, that lofty mission which is recognized to-day as "liberty enlightening the world."- From his Centennial oration delivered in Boston, July 4th, 1876. Woman's Rights-Cato the Elder: If, Romans, every individual among us had made it a rule to maintain the prerogative and authority of a husband with respect to his own wife, we should have less trouble with the whole sex. But now, our privileges, overpowered at home by female contumacy, are, even here in the forum, spurned and trodden under foot; and because we are unable to withstand each separately, we now dread their collective body. I was accustomed to think it a fabulous and fictitious tale, that, in a certain island, the whole race of males was utterly extirpated by a conspiracy of the women. But the utmost danger may be apprehended equally from either sex, if you suffer cabals and secret consultations to be held; scarcely, indeed, can I determine, in my own mind, whether the act itself, or the precedent that it affords, is of more pernicious tendency. The latter of these more particularly concerns us consuls, and the other magistrates; the former, you, my fellowcitizens: for, whether the measure proposed to your consideration be profitable to the State or not, is to be determined by you, who are to vote on the occasion. As to the outrageous behavior of these women, whether it be merely an act of their own, or owing to your instigations, Marcus Fundanius and Lucius Valerius, it unquestionably implies culpable conduct in magistrates. I know not whether it reflects greater disgrace on you, tribunes, or on the consuls on you certainly, if you have brought these women hither for the purpose of raising tribunitian sedition; on us, if we suffer laws to be imposed upon us by a secession of women, as was done formerly by that of the common people. It was not without painful emotions of shame, that I, just now, made my way into the forum through the midst of a band of women. Had I not been restrained by respect for the modesty and dignity of some individuals among them, rather than of the whole number, and been unwilling that they should be seen rebuked by a consul, I should not have refrained from saying to them: "What sort of practice is this, of running out into the public, besetting the streets, and addressing other women's husbands? Could not each have made the same request to her husband at home? Are your blandishments more seducing in public than in private, and with other women's husbands than with your own? Although if females would let their modesty confine them within the limits of their own rights, it did not become you, even at home, to concern yourselves about any laws that might be passed or repealed here.» Our ancestors thought it not proper that women should perform any, even private business, without a director; but that they should be ever under the control of parents, brothers, or husbands. We, it seems, suffer them, now, to interfere in the management of State affairs, and to thrust themselves into the forum, into general assemblies, and into assemblies of election: for what are they doing at this moment in your streets and lanes? What, but arguing, some in support of the motion of tribunes; others contending for the repeal of the law? . . . This is the smallest of the injunctions laid on them by usage or the laws, all which women bear with impatience; they long for entire liberty; nay to speak the truth, not for liberty, but for unbounded freedom in every particular: for what will they not attempt, if they now come off victorious? Recollect all the institutions respecting the sex, by which our forefathers restrained them and subjected them to their husbands; and yet, even with the help of all these restrictions, they can scarcely be kept within bounds. If, then, you suffer them to throw these off one by one, to tear them all asunder, and, at last, to be set on an equal footing with yourselves, can you imagine that they will be any longer tolerable? Suffer them once to arrive at an equality with you, and they will from that moment become your superiors.- From Livy xxxiv. 2. Woodbury, Levi- The Tariff of 1842: So, if you have the right to give protection to one branch of industry, as a legitimate constitutional end under the powers of the Federal Government, and not merely as an incidental consequence of duties imposed for revenue, why not march manfully to such protection in a separate bill? Why not, as in France, expressly prohibit what comes from abroad, and competes with our manufactures, which it is deemed so important to cherish? Why not add, likewise, direct bounties in other cases, where found necessary to sustain them? That would at least be intelligible, aboveboard, and the country would see and understand what Congress was really doing; and that policy would not, as in this case, by an unnatural combination, embarrass or endanger the only avowed object of this measure on its face- which is, to raise revenue.- From a speech in the United States Senate, in August 1842. Woolworth, James M.-Individual Liberty. "Glittering generalities," a most brilliant advocate called the self-evident truths of the Declaration. Possibly so; indeed, certainly so, if you stop with that instrument. But when they were realized in the conscience, and embedded in the moral constitution of the people, and interwoven with all the filaments of the heart, so as to give tone and temper to the common life, and appear and re-appear in the very efflorescence of popular sentiments, instincts, impulses, emotions, and passions, they became transcendent, vital, and all-governing facts. And so it is not strange, it is just what we should expect that these "glittering generalities » were more particularly stated and defined in the constitutions, in other words to be sure, but words of the same meaning, sense, and import; that is to say, no person shall be deprived of life, liberty, or property without due process of law; no State shall deny to any person the equal protection of the laws; private property shall not be taken for public use without just compensation; and the many other clauses, by which these fundamental rights, privileges, immunities, and franchises are assured; such as those guaranteeing free elections, free speech, justice administered without denial or delay, the privileges of the habeas corpus, trial by a jury of the vicinage, and so on and so on. And thus, reversing our steps, we trace these mandates, prohibitions, and guarantees of our constitutions back to the comprehensive phrase of the Declaration of Independence, that governments are instituted to the end that each and every man may exercise all his faculties in whatever way he may, according to his own judgment, choose, so as to derive from them his highest enjoyment. The citizen, the person, the individual — living his own life, cherishing his own aspirations, making and meeting his own destiny, he is the integer; he is sacred; for him are all the solicitudes. To conserve his rights, consistently with those of others, and to give him opportunity to work out his own happiness, without responsibility to others, and without responsibility from others to him, governments are instituted. For these purposes are all the complex system of laws, the vast scheme of administration, the splendor and majesty of the immortal State. From his address as president of the American Bar Association, 1897. - James M. Beck: We even stand still. We must move onward. From vollicofer, Joachim - Continuous Life and Everlasting Increase in Power: My existence is not confined to this fleeting moment! It will continue forever! My activity is not bounded by the narrow circle in which I now live and move; it will be ever enlarging, ever Zwingli, Ulrich-Extracts from His Sermons During the Reformation: Before the fall, man had been created with a free will, so that, had he been willing, he might have kept the law; his nature was pure; the disease of sin had not yet reached him; his life was in his own hands. But having desired to be as God, he died-and not he alone, but all his posterity. Since then in Adam all men are dead, no one can recall them to life, until the Spirit, which is God himself, raises them from the dead. Christ, very man and very God, has purchased for us a never-ending redemption. For since it was the eternal God who died for us, his passion is therefore an eternal sacrifice, and everlastingly effectual to heal; it satisfies the Divine justice forever in behalf of all those who rely upon it with firm and unshaken faith. Wherever sin is, death of necessity follows. Christ was without sin, and guile was not found in his mouth; and yet he died! This death he suffered in our stead! He was willing to die that he might restore us to life; and as he had no sins of his own, the all-merciful Father laid ours upon him. Seeing that the will of man had rebelled against the Most High, it was necessary for the re-establishment of eternal order, and for the salvation of man, that the human will should submit in Christ's person to the Divine will. .. Since eternal salvation proceeds solely from the merits and death of Jesus Christ, it follows that the merit of our own works is mere vanity and folly, not to say impiety and senseless impudence. If we could have been saved by our own works, it would not have been necessary for Christ to die. All who have ever come to God, have come to him through the death of Jesus Christ. Some people, perhaps more dainty than pious. object that this doctrine of Grace renders men careless and dissolute. But of what importance are the fears and objections that the daintiness of men may suggest? Whosoever believes in Jesus Christ is assured that all that cometh from God is necessarily good. If, therefore, the Gospel is of God, it is good. And what other power besides could implant righteousness, truth, and love among men? Oh, God, most gracious, most righteous Father of all mercies, with what charity thou hast embraced us, thine enemies! With what lofty and unfailing hopes hast thou filled us who deserved to feel nothing but despair! and to what glory hast thou called, in thy Son, our meanness and our nothingness! Thou willest, by this unspeakable love, to constrain us to return thee love for love! The Christian delivered from the law depends entirely on Jesus Christ. Christ is his reason, his counsel, his righteousness, and his whole salvation. Christ lives and acts in him. Christ alone is his leader, and he needs no other guide. If a government forbid its citizens under pain of death to receive any pension or largess from the hands of foreigners, how mild and easy is this law to those who, from love to their country and their liberty, voluntarily abstain from so culpable an action! But, on the contrary, how vexatious and oppressive it is to those who consult their own interest alone! Thus the righteous man lives free and joyful in the love of righteousness, and the unrighteous man walks murmuring under the heavy burden of the law that oppresses him! . . Works done out of Christ are worthless. Since everything is done of him, in him, and by him, what can we lay claim to for ourselves? Wherever there is faith in God, there God is; and wherever God abideth, there a zeal exists urging and impelling men to good works. Take care only that Christ is in thee, and that thou art in Christ, and doubt not that then he is at work in thee. The life of a Christian is one perpetual good work which God begins, continues, and completes. The reverend coadjutor speaks of doctrines that are seditious and subversive of the civil laws. Let him learn that Zurich is more tranquil and more obedient to the laws than any other city of the Helvetians, a circumstance which all good citizens ascribe to the Gospel. Is not Christianity the strongest bulwark of justice among a nation? What is the result of all ceremonies but shamefully to disguise the features of Christ and of his disciples? Yes! there is another way besides these vain observances to bring the unlearned people to the knowledge of the truth. It is that which Christ and his Apostles followed-the Gospel itself! Let us not fear that the people cannot understand it. He who believes, understands. The people can believe; they can, therefore, understand. This is a work of the Holy Ghost, and not of mere human reason. As for that matter, let him who is not satisfied with forty days, fast all the year if he please; it is a matter of indifference to me. All that I require is, that no one should be compelled to fast, and that for so trivial an observance the Zurichers should not be accused of withdrawing from the communion of the Christians. The universal Church is spread over the whole world, wherever there is faith in Christ, in India as well as at Zurich. . . And as for particular churches, we have them at Berne, at Schaffhausen, and even here. But the popes, with their cardinals and their councils, form neither the universal Church nor a particular Church. The assembly before which I now speak is the Church of Zurich; it desires to hear the word of God, and it has the right of ordering all that may appear to it conformable with the Holy Scriptures. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS W HILE it is impossible to mention even by title the great number of works necessarily drawn on in compiling and revising the material for such a collection as this, it is pertinent to say that in revising dates, while almost, if not quite every, recognized authority in general use has been frequently consulted, the Century Dictionary of Names and the British Encyclopedia, when in agreement, have been found nearly always correct, and accepted as authority against the authority of any single work. While it cannot be claimed that the wide differences on points of chronology frequently existing among standard authorities have been reconciled, every date in the original matter throughout the entire collection has been subjected to at least three editorial revisions and two comparisons by different editors with different authorities. In addition to this, invaluable assistance in securing the maximum of accuracy has been given by Mr. E. S. Myers, the superintendent of the typographical department of The Werner Company, and by Miss Laura A. Newbauer, of the proof-reading department of the same company. For suggestions and for lists of orators to which the work is largely indebted for its success, editors and publisher owe their thanks to judges of supreme and other courts, attorney-generals, superintendents of education, leading librarians, prominent lawyers, and public men in all parts of the Union. Such lists and suggestions were received and utilized from every part of the United States and from England. The scope of the work, as it now stands complete, attests their value. While the debt owed to librarians all over the country is notable, the obligation to the leading libraries of St. Louis and New York is especially heavy. Their intelligent and ready co-operation has saved |