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the certificate of naturalization, which must be submitted for inspection, and must set forth the facts of emigration, naturalization, and residence, as required in the rule governing the application of a naturalized citizen.
9. A resident of an insular possession of the United States who owes allegiance to the United Slates. In addition to the statements required by rule 3, he must state that he owes allegiance to the United States and that he does not acknowledge allegiance to any other government; and must submit an affidavit from at least two credible witnesses having good means of knowledge in substantiation of his statements of birth, residence, and loyalty.
10. Erpiration of passport.--A passport expires two years from the date of its issuance. A new one will be issued upon a new application, and, if the applicant be a naturalized citizen, the old passport will be accepted in lieu of a certificate of naturalization, if the application upon which it was issued is found to contain sufficient information as to the naturalization of the applicant.
11. Wife, minor children, and servants.- When the applicant is accompanied by his wife, minor children, or servant who would be entitled to receive a passport, it will be sufficient to state the fact, giving the respective ages of the children and the allegiance of the servant, when one passport will suffice for all. For any other person in the party a separate passport will be required. A woman's passport may include her minor children and servant under the above-named conditions.
12. Professional titles.—They will not be inserted in passports. 13. Rejection of application.—The chief executive officers of the insular possessions of the United States are authorized to refuse to issue a passport to anyone who there is reason to believe desires it for an unlawful or improper purpose, or who is unable or unwilling to comply with the rules.
THEODORE ROOSEVELT. OYSTER BAY, N. Y., July 19, 1902.
(Fee for passport, $1.00. Fee for filling out application in duplicate, 50 cents.
oath in duplicate, 50 cents.)
Fee for administering
Form for resident of an insular possession of the United States. No.
a resident of hereby apply to the of the United States at for a passport for myself, accompanied by
, as follows: born at
day of i and I solemnly swear that I was born at in the island of
on or about the day of
father is a citizen of -; that I am domiciled in the island of
, my permanent residence being at where I follow the occupation of -; that I left the
day of and am now temporarily sojourning at -; that I am the bearer of passport No. —, issued by
— on the
day of 1-; that I intend to return to with the purpose of residing and performing the duties of citizenship therein; that I owe allegiance to the United States, and do not acknowledge allegiance to any other government.
OATH OF ALLEGIANCE.
Further, I do solemnly swear that I will support and defend the Constitution of the United States against all enemies, foreign and domestic; that I will bear true faith and allegiance to the same; and that I take this obligation freely, without any mental reservation or purpose of evasion: So help me God.
- a resident of solemnly swear that I have known the above-named applicant for a passport, for years; that I know of my personal knowledge that he is a resident of and that he is loval to the Government of the United States; and to the best of my knowledge and belief the said was born in
on or about
a resident of solemnly swear that I have known the above-named applicant for a passport, for years; that I know of my personal knowledge that he is a resident of and that he is loyal to the Government of the United States; and to the best of my knowledge and belief the said was born in
on or about
of the United States of America at
Nose, Mouth, Chin, plexion, Face,
(Signature of the bearer.)
inches, Eng. Forehead, Hair,
I, the undersigned,
of the United States of America, hereby request all whom it may concern to permit
a citizen of owing allegi ance to the United States,
safely and freely to pass, and in case of need to give - all lawful aid and protection. Given under my hand and the seal of the of the United States at day of
in the year 19—, and of the independence of the United States the one hundred
EXTRACTS FROM MESSAGE OF PRESIDENT OF ARGENTINE
Mr. Lord to Mr. Hay.
LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES,
Buenos Aires, May 10, 1902. Sır: I have the honor to transmit copies in Spanish of the message read by his excellency the President of the Republic, Lieut. Gen. Julio A. Roca, at the opening of the sessions of the Argentine Congress on the 8th instant, and to inclose herein copy in English of its most important passages taken from the Standard of the 9th instant.
The message is a plain document that deals in a general way with the affairs of the country. It is quite hopeful, even optimistic, in sentiment, but contains little but what was already known. Its delivery was awaited with much interest by the public in the expectation that it would be full and explicit on two points deemed of vital importance at this time, namely, international relations and the financial situation. Especially was there a good deal of curiosity to know the status of the negotiations carried on through the friendly mediation of the British Government to bring about an agreement for limitation of armaments between the Governments of Argentina and Chile, but the general way in which this matter is treated in the message was a great disappointment. It is probable that the President would have been more explicit as to the state of such negotiations had not the untimely death of Dr. Alcorta, minister of foreign relations, occurred, which doubtless had the effect to put its consideration temporarily in abevance, rendering it inconvenient to do more than refer to such negotiations in a general way.
l'pon the question of limitation of armaments, the President says: Happily, it appears that a better and more cordial understanding will be established in our relations with the Chilean Republic, negotiations having been opened in Santiago through the friendly mediation of the British Government for the rational limitation of the armaments which are pressing on both countries, with great prejudice to their credit and well-being.
The circumstances which led to the suggestion for a mutual limitation of armaments seem to have arisen from conditions prevailing in Argentina and Chile materially affecting their credit and welfare. Both countries have incurred heavy expense for the equipment and maintenance of largely increased army and naval forces. *Chile has recently contracted for two formidable warships involving a heavy cost with the object of putting her navy upon an equality with the
a Not printed
Argentine navy, whereupon Argentina, not to be outdone, contracted for two war ships larger in size and perhaps more formidable at a like heavy cost in order to continue and maintain her naval superiority. The costly expenditures incurred on account of war and naval preparations is paralyzing industrial activity and commercial enterprise. Both countries are largely in debt and confronted with a deficit. Both have appropriated their conversion funds which had been set apart for a specific purpose, and which, it would seem, should have been preserved inviolable. Neither is able to make a foreign loan without paying a high rate of interest and giving guarantees to meet the additional expenses which their war policy is incurring, and both Governments know and their people know that the only remedy to which either can resort to meet existing financial conditions is to levy fresh taxes of some description, notwithstanding nearly everything that can be taxed is now taxed to the utmost limit
. The weight of taxation already imposed bears heavily upon the energies and activities of the people. The outlook is not promising, business being dull, wage employment scarce, and failures frequent. With this condition of affairs confronting them, Argentina and Chile fully realize that their war policy is fraught with ruinous consequences to their credit, their Governments, and their people, and that the dictates of wisdom and common sense demand that some means should be devised of stopping costly expenditures.
In Chile as in Argentina, the British people own large and valuable property interests of various descriptions, much larger in the latter than in the former,
and they are anxious, even eager, to have a peaceful solution of pending difficulties, believing that its effect would be to relieve business depression and improve the financial condition of both countries.
Looking at this condition of things, it would be reasonable to suppose that Argentina and Chile would be in a favorable state of mind to listen to any suggestions having for their object the curtailment of expenses and leading to a better and more friendly understanding, The purchase of the two war ships by Chile, involving a heavy expense, was certain to be followed by å like increase in the naral force of Argentina, and this circumstance, in connection with those to which I have referred, seems to have led to the suggestion that the best way to stop further expenditures was for both countries to agree upon a mutual limitation of armaments.
It is supposed that the Chilean Government hinted to Mr. Lowther, the British minister at Santiago, that it would view with pleasure his intervention in favor of disarmament. Mr. Lowther, by letter, communicated this information to Sir William Barrington, the British minister in Buenos Aires, who at once tendered his good offices to the Argentine Government with a proposition for disarmament, embodying, it is said, the canceling of orders for the ironclads which the Argentine Government then had under consideration. It is understood that the Argentine Government refused to entertain this propo sition. And, at this stage of the negotiations, it is also understood that the British Government bad absolutely nothing to do with the proposition. These events occurred sometime between the 15th and 30th of April. In the meantime Mr. Concha, the Chilean minister, who had been on a leave of absence, returned to Buenos Aires and immediately placed himself in communication with the Argentine
Government and, as I understand, offered a proposition more restricted in its terms and to the effect that no further armaments should be made, and that the two countries should restrict themselves to those already ordered. At this time the Chilean Government had already ordered two ironclads, and it is supposed that, if the Argentine Goyernment should accept the proposition to make no further armaments, Chile would have equal, if not greater, naval strength than Argentina. If this supposition is true, the Chilean Government was under a wrong impression, for the Argentine Government had already ordered the construction of two ironclads which would continue her naval supremacy.
About this time General Mitre, who now stands high in the councils of the Argentine Government, wrote an article for La Nación, an influential newspaper, edited by his son, taking the ground that the Argentine Government should not interfere in Pacific coast troubles.
This article exerted a great deal of influence, but considerable opposition was expressed to its views, as a lively feeling of sympathy has always existed here in favor of Peru and Bolivia since their war with Chile. The Mercurio, of Santiago, noticing this article, stated in substance that, if it should be the policy of the Argentine Government not to interfere in the affairs of the Pacific, it would open the road to good feelings and be a guaranty to better relations between both countries. The Chilean Government has always maintained that the Argentine Government should not meddle in the affairs of the West coast.
Referring now to the negotiations pending, after the proposition for a limitation of arınaments had been initiated as above mentioned, the British Government tendered its friendly mediation, and the negotiations since have been conducted by its respective ministers under its auspices, as appears in the Presidential message.
These are the facts and circumstances, as far as I am able to gather them, leading to the initiation and connected with the progress of these negotiations, which have been conducted with much reserve, rendering their ascertainment difficult. The result of such ne otiations, which were temporarily interrupted by the death of Dr. Alcorta, are now awaited with much interest and curiosity.
The financial portion of the message fully sets forth all matters connected with the debt revenue, etc., and is decidedly optimistic in tone. The President evidently does not share the fears entertained by the people with reference to the financial condition of the country. This portion of the message has attracted a good deal of attention and provoked some criticism as to its statement. The President refers to the steps being taken toward the settlement of the boundary question, to the policy of the Government in favor of arbitration, and also refers in complimentary terms to the army and navy, and states that the ministry of agriculture intends to forward colonization and settlement of the country. Outside of the financial statement, there is nothing of particular importance in the message. The President has evidently held in reserve much that he would have more fully and definitely stated if the delivery of his message had come later.
As the message was so meager in its reference to the negotiations now pending for limitation of armaments, I concluded that it might be of interest to detail the facts and circumstances as I understand them. I have the honor to be, etc.,
WM. P. LORD.