Peebles, acting agent for the Pacific Steam Navigation Company, came on board and told me of a request made by the Government that he furnish the Chiriqui for carrying of troops. I told him what action Mr. Peet (who is their regular agent) had been advised to take. He was also apprehensive of the seizure of that vessel, and asked if I would act for the English in the absence of their man-of-war. I told him yes, but only in this manner-it would be advisable that the English consul laid the matter before the United States consul-general, and upon his request in writing I would put a guard on the Chiriqui if necessary. I arranged for signals by day and by" night with the Chiriqui and advised the dismantling of her machinery. 2. I also wrote to the consul-general as follows: "Would it not be well to inform the governor that in the absence of the Amphion (daily expected) I would act in the interest of the English residents and protect their property upon their written request. That would prevent any misunderstanding. I am the more anxious to have my position understood clearly, since you may remember that the English admiral's instructions to the captain of the Amphion was 'to render all aid to the United States naval commander, and in his absence to care for the United States' interest.' As we should of course act in accord, and as Mr. Peebles lacks experience, I suggested that the request should come through the consuls. "I repeat that I fully believe that the Government should be fully informed as to my attitude and readiness to act for the English." * * * * * 4. The Amphion arrived on the afternoon of the 7th, and her captain has orders to remain at least two months. Upon hearing of my action concerning the Chiriqui, Captain Casement, R. N., thanked me and informed me that he should at once communicate the fact to his admiral. I believe this action to be in accord with the Department's policy. Mr. Raikes to Mr. Adee. BRITISH EMBASSY, Washington, October 1, 1902. DEAR MR. ADEE: I forwarded to Lord Lansdowne in an official dispatch a copy of the report from the commanding officer of the U. S. S. Philadelphia, inclosed in your personal note of August 9, describing his readiness to protect British interests at Panama in the absence of H. M. S. Amphion. I have now great pleasure in asking you, by Lord Lansdowne's direction, to be so good as to convey to the commander of the Philadelphia an expression of the thanks of His Majesty's Government for his friendly attitude on this occasion. I am, etc., ARTHUR S. RAIKES. AGREEMENT BETWEEN RUSSIA AND CHINA RELATIVE TO MANCHURIA. α Mr. Choate to Mr. Hay. No. 780.] AMERICAN EMBASSY, London, February 12, 1902. SIR: I have the honor to report that in a conversation which I had yesterday with His Majesty's secretary of state for foreign affairs, I found that he already knew substantially the position which you had taken with Russia and China in respect to the proposed Manchurian convention and the separate convention with the Russian-Chinese a Completely covered under China, page 271, and Russia, page 926, this volume. Bank, and that it exactly tallied with the position of his Government in the same matter. It had been freely stated for some days in the London papers that the United States, Great Britain, and Japan were presenting the same views at St. Petersburg. He thought the convention with the Russian-Chinese Bank, though it expressed the privileges granted or conceded by the terms as "preferential," would practically be exclusive, and that it would create a monopoly which would not only conflict with treaty rights and lawful and equal commerce, and impair Chinese sovereign rights and its discharge of its international obligations, but would probably be followed by similar "preferential" concessions to other powers, and so the whole policy of equal rights of all nations in commerce and navigation and of the "open door" might be seriously invaded. I could not discover any difference in the positions of the two Governments on this important subject. I have, etc., JOSEPH H. CHOATE. Mr. Choate to Mr. Hay. No. 890.] AMERICAN EMBASSY, London, February 22, 1902. SIR: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your instruction" of the 3d instant, covering a copy of a memorandum in regard to the proposed convention and arrangement between the Chinese and Russian Governments respecting Manchuria. I inclose herewith a copy of my note to Lord Lansdowne, dated the 14th instant, together with his lordship's reply thereto, dated the 19th instant, with reference to the above subject. I have, etc., JOSEPH H. CHOATE. [Inclosure 1.] Mr. Choate to Lord Lansdowne. AMERICAN EMBASSY, London, February 14, 1902. My LORD: Under instructions from my Government, I have the honor to inclose herewith for your lordship's information a copy of a memorandum expressing the views of the United States in regard to the proposed convention and arrangement between the Chinese and Russian Governments respecting Manchuria, which has been telegraphed to our legation at Pekin and to our embassy at St. Petersburg. I have, etc., [Inclosure 2.] JOSEPH H. CHOATE. Lord Lansdowne to Mr. Choate. FOREIGN OFFICE, February 19, 1902. YOUR EXCELLENCY: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your note of the 14th instant, transmitting a copy of a memorandum which gives the views of the United States Government in regard to some suggested arrangements between the Chinese and Russian Governments respecting Manchuria. I have to thank your excellency for this interesting statement, the substance of which you had already been good enough to communicate to me verbally. I have, etc., Printed page 275. LANSDOWNE. TEXT OF DEFENSIVE AGREEMENT BETWEEN GREAT BRITAIN No. 781.] AND JAPAN. Mr. Choate to Mr. Hay. AMERICAN EMBASSY, London, February 12, 1902. SIR: I have the honor to report that at an interview yesterday with His Majesty's secretary of state for foreign affairs he gave me a copy of the new defensive treaty of alliance between Great Britain and Japan. I now inclose the copy that he gave me. It seems to me greatly to fortify the policy of the "open door," and goes far to secure the independence and integrity of the Chinese and Korean empires. Perhaps also it explains the decision of His Majesty's Government, announced in Parliament the day before, not to proceed further with the fortification of Weihaiwei as a naval base. inclose a clipping from the London Times of yesterday's date, containing the debate on this interesting subject, in which, however, I see no allusion to the provision in the lease to Great Britain of Weihaiwei that it was to be for so long a period as the Russian occupation of Port Arthur should last. I have, etc., JOSEPH H. CHOATE. [Inclosure 1.] DISPATCH TO HIS MAJESTY'S MINISTER AT TOKYO FORWARDING AGREEMENT BETWEEN GREAT BRITAIN AND JAPAN OF JANUARY 30, 1902. The Marquis of Lansdowne to Sir C. MacDonald. FOREIGN OFFICE, January 30, 1902. SIR: I have signed to-day, with the Japanese minister, an agreement between Great Britain and Japan, of which a copy is inclosed in this dispatch. This agreement may be regarded as the outcome of the events which have taken place during the last two years in the Far East, and of the part taken by Great Britain and Japan in dealing with them. Throughout the troubles and complications which arose in China consequent upon the Boxer outbreak and the attack upon the Pekin legations, the two powers have been in close and uninterrupted communication, and have been actuated by similar views. We have each of us desired that the integrity and independence of the Chinese Empire should be preserved, that there should be no disturbance of the territorial status quo either in China or in the adjoining regions, that all nations should, within those regions, as well as within the limits of the Chinese Empire, be afforded equal opportunities for the development of their commerce and industry, and that peace should not only be restored, but should, for the future, be maintained. From the frequent exchanges of views which have taken place between the two Governments, and from the discovery that their Far Eastern policy was identical, it has resulted that each side has expressed the desire that their common policy should find expression in an international contract of binding validity. We have thought it desirable to record in the preamble of that instrument the main objects of our common policy in the Far East to which I have already referred, and in the first article we join in entirely disclaiming any aggressive tendencies either in China or Korea. We have, however, thought it necessary also to place on record the view entertained by both the high contracting parties, that should their interests, as above described, be endangered, it will be admissible for either of them to take such measures as may be indispensable in order to safeguard those interests, and words have been added which will render it clear that such precautionary measures might become necessary and might be legitimately taken, not only in the case of aggressive FR 1902, PT 1—33 action or of an actual attack by some other power, but in the event of disturbances arising of a character to necessitate the intervention of either of the high contracting parties for the protection of the lives and property of its subjects. The principal obligations undertaken mutually by the high contracting parties are those of maintaining a strict neutrality in the event of either of them becoming involved in war, and of coming to one another's assistance in the event of either of them being confronted by the opposition of more than one hostile power. Under the remaining provisions of the agreement, the high contracting parties undertake that neither of them will, without consultation with the other, enter into separate arrangements with another power to the prejudice of the interests described in the agreement, and that whenever those interests are in jeopardy they will communicate with one another fully and frankly. The concluding article has reference to the duration of the agreement which, after five years, is terminable by either of the high contracting parties at one year's notice. His Majesty's Government have been largely influenced in their decision to enter into this important contract by the conviction that it contains no provisions which can be regarded as an indication of aggressive or self-seeking tendencies in the regions to which it applies. It has been concluded purely as a measure of precaution, to be invoked, should occasion arise, in the defense of important British interests. It in no way threatens the present position or the legitimate interests of other powers. On the contrary, that part of it which renders either of the high contracting parties liable to be called upon by the other for assistance can operate only when one of the allies has found himself obliged to go to war in defense of interests which are common to both, when the circumstances in which he has taken this step are such as to establish that the quarrel has not been of his own seeking, and when, being engaged in his own defense, he finds himself threatened, not by a single power, but by a hostile coalition. His Majesty's Government trust that the agreement may be found of mutual advantage to the two countries, that it will make for the preservation of peace, and that, should peace unfortunately be broken, it will have the effect of restricting the area of hostilities. I am, etc., LANSDOWNE. [Subinclosure.] Agreement between Great Britain and Japan, signed at London, January 30, 1902. The Governments of Great Britain and Japan, actuated solely by a desire to maintain the status quo and general peace in the extreme East, being moreover specially interested in maintaining the independence and territorial integrity of the Empire of China and the Empire of Korea, and in securing equal opportunities in those countries for the commerce and industry of all nations, hereby agree as follows: ARTICLE I. The high contracting parties having mutually recognized the independence of China and of Korea, declare themselves to be entirely uninfluenced by any aggressive tendencies in either country. Having in view, however, their special interests, of which those of Great Britain relate principally to China, while Japan, in addition to the interests which she possesses in China, is interested in a peculiar degree politically, as well as commercially and industrially, in Korea, the high contracting parties recognize that it will be admissible for either of them to take such measures as may be indispensable in order to safeguard those interests if threatened either by the aggressive action of any other power, or by disturbances arising in China or Korea, and necessitating the intervention of either of the high contracting parties for the protection of the lives and property of its subjects. ARTICLE II. If either Great Britain or Japan, in the defense of their respective interests as above described, should become involved in war with another power, the other high contracting party will maintain a strict neutrality, and use its efforts to prevent other powers from joining in hostilities against its ally. ARTICLE III. If in the above event any other power or powers should join in hostilities against that ally, the other high contracting party will come to its assistance and will conduct the war in common, and make peace in mutual agreement with it. ARTICLE IV. The high contracting parties agree that neither of them will, without consulting the other, enter into separate arrangements with another power to the prejudice of the interests above described. ARTICLE V. Whenever, in the opinion of either Great Britain or Japan, the above-mentioned interests are in jeopardy, the two Governments will communicate with one another fully and frankly. ARTICLE VI. The present agreement shall come into effect immediately after the date of its signature, and remain in force for five years from that date. In case neither of the high contracting parties should have notified twelve months before the expiration of the said five years the intention of terminating it, it shall remain binding until the expiration of one year from the day on which either of the high contracting parties shall have denounced it. But if, when the date fixed for its expiration arrives, either ally is actually engaged in war, the alliance shall, ipso facto, continue until peace is concluded. In faith whereof the undersigned, duly authorized by their respective Governments, have signed this agreement, and have affixed thereto their seals. Done in duplicate at London the 30th January, 1902. [L. S.] [L. 8.] LANSDOWNE, His Britannic Majesty's Principal Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs. HAYASHI, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of His Majesty the Emperor of Japan at the Court of St. James. [Inclosure 2.] Weihaiwei. [The Times, Tuesday, February 11, 1902.] Earl Spencer asked the undersecretary of state for the colonies what were the intentions of His Majesty's Government with regard to Weihaiwei. The Earl of Onslow: My lords, I do not think I need trouble you with the early history of Weihaiwei, because it is probably well known to you. But I may say that the Government have held a careful inquiry into the advantages of the place as a military and naval station, and they have decided that the idea which was at one time entertained of fortifying it and keeping there a large garrison has been abandoned. There is at present there a Chinese regiment. That regiment will be gradually disbanded or withdrawn, and in future the administration of the colony will be undertaken by the police, which will be raised by the administrator of the colony itself. The position has been found to be one which could only be fortified at very great expense; but it is an extremely useful place for small-arms practice and for gunnery practice for the navy, as the bay is large and the water is shallow. It is also an extremely healthy station, and it is believed that in the course of a very short time a number of persons will utilize it as a sanitarium for Hongkong and Shanghai and other places on the coast of China. It will also be used as a sanitarium for our military and naval forces. It has been taken over by the colonial office from January 1, and the new administrator will be Mr. Lockhart, who has had many years official experience at Hongkong. It is hoped that in his hands the place will be made to yield a much larger revenue than that at present, which is something like £2,000 a year. The inhabitants are mostly fishermen and agriculturists who are not rich nor very prosperous; but there are capabilities about the colony which lead us to hope that before very long it will yield a much greater revenue than at present. Your |