objects which have attracted the attention of the American Government. Decisive measures, indeed, for the preservation of the sovereignty of Cuba to Spain, have been contemplated by the Government of the United States on several occasions. Among others, at the time when a report was in circulation (although without foundation), that a Spanish General intended retiring to Cuba and there declaring himself independent of Spain, under the protection of one of the great maritime Powers, the Government of the United States did not hesitate to offer to the Spanish Government the assistance of their forces, both naval and military, in resisting any such an attempt. On the present occasion Great Britain and France do not propose to the United States to do more in concert with them than the United States themselves offered to do alone on the occasion I allude to. For the Project of Convention, which I have had the honour of submitting to you, proposes that the 3 Contracting Powers should engage themselves to "discountenance and prevent as far as in them lies," and consequently would not engage any one of the 3 Governments to do more than their respective Constitutions may authorize. This will, it is hoped, facilitate the adoption by the Government of the United States of the project, and enable the Government of the United States, by associating themselves with those of Great Britain and France in this declaration, to secure the future tranquillity of the commerce of the world in those seas, to discourage illegal enterprizes against Cuba, and to draw closer the bonds of amity which bind the United States to Great Britain, as well as to France and as to Spain. D. Webster, Esq. I have, &c. JOHN F. CRAMPTON. No. 21.-Memorandum by M. de Isturiz HER Majesty's Government desire that, should the Government of the United States not adhere to the declaration respecting the Island of Cuba, entrusted to the British and French Representatives at Washington, England and France would declare, on their side, that they never will allow any other Power, whether European or American, at any time to possess itself of the Island of Cuba, either by cession, alienation, conquest, or insurrection of the same. Any such declaration made by the two Powers collectively would answer the intimation put forward on a former occasion by the United States, never to allow a European Power to possess itself of Cuba. It would be, moreover, in consonance with the idea which, according to information received by Her Catholic Majesty's Government, at present prevails with the French and British Representatives, to whose care the negotiations now pending at Washington have been entrusted. No. 23.-Mr. Crampton to the Earl of Malmesbury.-(Rec. Nov. 8.) (Extract.) Washington, October 24, 1852. THE Spanish Minister here informs me that Mr. Conrad, the Acting Secretary of State of the United States, has stated to him that the United States Government have received information of the existence of a conspiracy for an illegal expedition against the Island of Cuba by citizens of the United States and Spanish subjects, of a more formidable character than any which has hitherto been undertaken. The number of persons enlisted in this enterprise is represented to be already upwards of 2,000; and the point at which the expedition is to be collected before leaving the United States, though not yet distinctly known, is supposed to be among some of the numerous "keys" or islands on the south-east coast of Florida. Mr. Conrad assured M. Calderon de la Barca that orders had been despatched by the President to the United States authorities, both civil and military, to use every effort to prevent the execution of this design, and to take every means which the law allows to bring those concerned in it to justice. M. Calderon has despatched a special messenger to Cuba with this information, and speaks with confidence of the efficiency of the preparations of the Captain General to meet any invasion which may be attempted. I have thought it right immediately to have the above information conveyed to Vice-Admiral Sir George Seymour, and to address to Her Majesty's Consuls in the south-eastern ports of the Union an instruction to watch narrowly the proceedings of any persons engaged, or supposed to be engaged, in any scheme of hostile aggression against Cuba, and to forward any information they may obtain, both to Her Majesty's Legation at Washington, and to the Commanders of any of Her Majesty's ships of war with whom they may be able to communicate. The Earl of Malmesbury. JOHN F. CRAMPTON. No. 24.-Mr. Crampton to the Earl of Malmesbury.-—(Rec. Nov. 17.) (Extract.) Washington, November 1, 1852. I HAVE been informed by the Spanish Minister here that he has just received intelligence, from a source on which he relies, of the departure from New York of a body of 800 persons for the Dominican part of the Island of Hayti; but M. Calderon apprehends that the ulterior views of this expedition are directed against the Island of Cuba. The Earl of Malmesbury. JOHN F. CRAMPTON. No. 25.-Mr. Crampton to the Earl of Malmesbury.—(Rec. Dec. 13.) (Extract.) Washington, November 29, 1852. On the 25th of April last, Mr. Webster, in a conversation with the French Minister (M. de Sartiges) and myself, upon the subject of the proposed tripartite declaration by Great Britain, France, and the United States in regard to Cuba, informed us that, as several members of Congress had made application to him for all the documents existing in the Department of State relating to the affairs of that island, the certainty of a proposal having been made to the Spanish Government by Mr. Buchanan, United States Secretary, in 1848, for effecting the purchase of that island for the sum of 100,000,000 of dollars, would be ascertained. A resolution of the House of Representatives was accordingly passed, "requesting information relative to the policy of the United States Government in regard to the Island of Cuba," which was responded to by a message from the President, dated the 13th of July last, communicating the papers in question. The message was laid on the table, and ordered to be printed, but excited little attention at the time it was received; and from the extreme tardiness with which Congressional printing is executed, its publication did not take place till within the last week. I have procured, and have now the honour to forward, a copy of this document to your Lordship herewith. The papers accompanying the report of the Acting Secretary of State, transmitted with the Message, comprise a number of confidential communications which have passed between the United States Department of State and the American Legations at London and at Madrid, between the years 1822 and 1818; and containing, as they do, a very full exposition of the views and intentions of different Administrations of the United States during that period, are, at the present conjuncture of the affairs of Cuba, particularly worthy of the attention of Her Majesty's Government. Whatever may have been the motive of the present publication, it is evident that it is calculated to add great weight and significance to the joint proposal lately made by Her Majesty's Government, in conjunction with that of France for a tripartite treaty or declaration, by which each of the three Governments shall renounce all intention of becoming possessed of Cuba, by whatever means; for your Lordship will observe, that in all the proceedings of the different Administrations of the United States Government, having the acquisition of Cuba for their object, the motive which is continually put forward is a supposed intention on the part of Great Britain to gain possession of that important point for herself. The frank and explicit offer of Her Majesty's Government to enter into a treaty engagement, by which such an apprehension would be for ever removed, cannot, whenever it shall be made public, fail to place the subject in its true point of view in the eyes of all reasonable persons in the United States, and to deprive the party who desire the annexation of Cuba from motives connected with their own immediate and local interests, of the chief argument by which they hoped to create a general feeling in favour of the measure. The Earl of Malmesbury. JOHN F. CRAMPTON. (Inclosure.)—Message from the President of The United States, in answer to a resolution of the Senate, calling for information relative to the Policy of the United States Government in regard to the Island of Cuba. TO THE HOUSE of REPRESENTATIVES, Washington, July 13, 1852. In answer to the resolution of the House of Representatives, requesting information relative to the policy of the Government in regard to the Island of Cuba, I transmit a report from the Department of State, and the documents by which it was accompanied. MILLARD FILLMORE. Department of State, Washington, July 14, 1852. On the 4th of February last, a resolution of the House of Representatives, in the following words, was referred to this Department: Resolved, That the President of the United States be requested to communicate to this House, if not incompatible with the public interests, all instructions from the Department of State to the Diplomatic Agents of the United States abroad, not heretofore communicated to Congress, declaratory of, or relating to, the policy of the Government of the United States in relation to the Island of Cuba. The papers mentioned in the subjoined list are accordingly respectfully submitted. W. HUNTER, Acting Secretary. I UNDERSTAND that this Government are under serious apprehen sions lest Cuba should declare itself independent and place itself under our protection; that they are informed a society of Freemasons in Philadelphia has connection with a society of Freemasons in Havana, with the object, it is supposed, to hasten the declaration of independence. This, according to their usual mode of judging our conduct, is thought to be known and countenanced by our Government. The squadron sent to Havana by the British, the pressure upon Spain at this moment, when she has so much reason to dread the determination of the European Sovereigns, by Great Britain, all combine to show the necessity of watchfulness on our part as to the designs of that Power, and the probability of their accomplishment afforded by the present condition and attitude of this country. A commercial Treaty between Spain and England is desirable to England, but it is not of sufficient importance to induce her to take up the gauntlet for Spain against the combined Sovereigns. It is not of sufficient importance to induce her to guarantee the loans of money Spain must have for the support of the constitutional system. What, then, is the object of the one party, and how far will necessity oblige the other party to assist in the accomplishment of it? England desires the weight of Spain as a European ally; 2ndly, the This document is not forthcoming. |