American affairs. Alluding to these circumstances, Dr. Franklin, in a letter to his son, says, "I fancy that intriguing nation would like very well to meddle, on this occasion, and blow the coals between Great Britain and her colonies, but I hope we shall give her no opportunity."

As the contest grew more serious, the views and policy of the French court became more clearly developed. This was evinced in a memorial presented to the king by Vergennes, in the spring of 1776, on American affairs, and the reflections of the celebrated Turgot on this memorial. Hostilities on the part of France were to be avoided; but assistance in arms, ammunition, and even money, was to be afforded the colonists, yet in the most secret manner, and without compromitting her neutrality. Among the measures to be pursued by the king of France, as stated by M. Turgot, one was, to facilitate to the colonists the means of procuring, in the way of commerce, the articles, and even the money, which they need, but without departing from neutrality, and without giving them direct succours." "An offensive war," says M. Turgot, "would reconcile the mother country to her colonies, by giving to the minister a pretext for yielding, and to the colonies a motive for acceding to his propositions, in order to obtain time to consolidate themselves, to ripen their projects, and to multiply their

means.

To carry into effect the plan of assisting the Americans, Vergennes, in the spring of 1776, sent a secret agent, by the name of Beaumarchais, to Arthur Lee, then at Paris, acting as the agent of the secret committee of congress, to inform him of the views and determination of the French court on this subject. This information Mr. Lee communicated to the secret committee, in a verbal message, by a Mr. Storey. This message was delivered to Dr. Franklin and Robert Morris, two of the committee, on the first of October, 1776.

The committee deemed it necessary, at that time, to conceal this important information, even from congress. The minutes or journal of this transaction, kept by the committee, show the reasons of this concealment, and throw not a little light on an event, which, for a long time afterwards, was enveloped in mystery. These minutes, although not appearing in the volumes before us, may justly be considered as necessarily connected with the secret journal, and, we trust, will gratify our

readers.

"Mr. Thomas Storey," say the committee, "(who had been sent by the committee of secret correspondence, December 13th, 1775, to France, Holland, and England), reported verbally as

follows: On my leaving London, Arthur Lee, Esq. requested me to inform the committee of correspondence, that he had several conferences with the French ambassador, who had communicated the same to the French court; that in consequence thereof, the duke de Vergennes had sent a gentleman to Arthur Lee, who informed him, that the French court could not think of entering into a war with England; but that they would assist America, by sending from Holland this fall, two hundred thousand pounds sterling worth of arms and ammunition to St. Eustatius, Martinique, or Cape François; that application was to be made to the governors or commandants of those places; by inquiring for Monsieur Hortales, and that, on persons properly authorized applying, the above articles would be delivered to them.'

Philadelphia, October 1st, 1776-The above intelligence was communicated to the subscribers, being the only two members of the committee of secret correspondence, now in this city; and on our considering the nature and importance of it, we agree in opinion, that it is our indispensable duty to keep it a secret, even from Congress, for the following reasons:

First. Should it get to the ears of our enemies at New-York, they would undoubtedly take measures to intercept the supplies, and thereby deprive us, not only of these succours, but of others expected by the same route.

Second. As the court of France have taken measures to negotiate this loan and succour in the most cautious and most secret manner, should we divulge it immediately, we may not only lose the present benefit, but, also, render that court cautious of any further connexion with such unguarded people, and prevent their granting other loans and assistance that we stand in need of, and have directed Mr. Deane to ask of them; for it appears, from all our intelligence, they are not disposed to enter into an immediate war with Great Britain, though disposed to support us in our contest with them; we, therefore, think it our duty to cultivate their favourable disposition towards us, draw from them all the support we can; and, in the end, their private aid must assist us to establish peace, or inevitably draw them in as parties to the

war.

Third. We find, by fatal experience, the congress consists of too many members to keep secrets, as none could be more strongly enjoined than the present embassy to France, notwithstanding which, Mr. Morris was this day asked by Mr. Reese Meredith, whether Dr. Franklin and others were really going ambassadors to France; which plainly proves, that this committee ought to keep this secret, if secrecy is required.

Fourth. We are of opinion, that it is unnecessary to inform congress of this intelligence at present, because Mr. Morris belongs to all the committees that can properly be employed in re

ceiving and importing the expected supplies from Martinique, and will influence the necessary measures for that purpose; indeed, we have already authorized William Bingham, Esq. to apply at Martinique and St. Eustatius for what comes there, and remit part by the armed sloop Independence, captain Young, promising to send others for the rest.

Mr. Morris will apply to the marine committee to send other armed vessels after her, and, also, to Cape François, (without communicating this advice), in consequence of private intelligence lately received, that arms, ammunition, and clothing can now be procured at those places.

But should any unexampled misfortune befall the states of America, so as to depress the spirits of congress, it is our opinion, that, on any event of that kind, Mr. Morris (if Dr. Franklin should be absent), should communicate this important matter to congress, otherwise keep it until part or the whole supplies arrive, unless other events happen, to render the communication of it more proper than it appears to be at present."

This was signed by Doctor Franklin and Mr. Morris, and soon after approved by Richard H. Lee, and Mr. Hooper, two. other members of the committee. Previous to the Declaration of Independence, the intercourse with foreign nations was principally confined to this committee.

In March 1776, they sent Silas Deane to France, to obtain a supply of arms, ammunition and clothing, &c.; also, to sound the French court, on the subject of an eventual alliance with the Americans. As soon, however, as the resolution for dissolving the connexion of the colonies with the parent country, passed; congress took the subject of foreign affairs into their own hands. On the 11th of June 1776, a committee was appointed to prepare treaties with foreign powers. In September following, commissioners were appointed to propose to the court of France, the plan of a commercial treaty to which congress had agreed. In the instructions to these commissioners, congress say "it is highly probable, that France means not to let the United States sink in the present contest. But, as the difficulty of obtaining true accounts of our condition, may cause an opinion to be entertained, that we are able to support the war on our own strength, longer than in fact we can do; it will be proper for you to press the immediate and explicit declaration of France, in our favour, upon a suggestion, that a re-union with Great Britain may be the consequence of a delay."

The fears and jealousy of Spain, relative to her extensive American possessions, were anticipated by congress; and the same commissioners were also instructed on this subject as

follows:-"Should Spain be disinclined to our cause, from an apprehension of damage to her dominions in South America, you are empowered to give the strongest assurances, that that crown will receive no molestation from the United States, in the possession of these territories." Vol. ii. pp. 29, 30.

The commissioners were also instructed to procure a large quantity of arms and ammunition, and eight line-of-battle ships, by purchase or on loan, from the French court. France still pursued her own system of policy. She declined furnishing the ships, or openly espousing the cause of the Americans. She, however, continued her secret aid, and presented the commissioners with three millions of livres.

In consequence of the disasters of the campaign of 1776, congress, at the close of this year, took measures to obtain more effectual foreign aid. For this purpose, they resolved to send commissioners to Vienna, Spain, Prussia, and to the duke of Tuscany. The American envoys were instructed to assure the courts to which they were sent, "that notwithstanding the artful and insidious endeavours of the court of Great Britain, to represent the congress and the inhabitants of these states, to the European powers, as having a disposition again to submit to the sovereignty of the crown of Great Britain, it is their determination, at all events, to maintain their independence." To induce France to join in the war, the envoys were directed, not only to stipulate with the court of France, that all the trade between the United States and the West India islands, should be carried on by vessels belonging either to the subjects of his Most Christian Majesty, or of the states, each to have free liberty to carry on such trade; but, also, "to assure his Most Christian Majesty, that should his forces be employed, in conjunction with those of the United States, to exclude his Britannic Majesty from any share in the cod fishery of America, by reducing the islands of Newfoundland and Cape Breton; and ships of war be furnished, when required by the United States, to reduce Nova Scotia; the fishery should be enjoyed equally and in common by the subjects of his Most Christian Majesty and of these states, to the exclusion of all other nations and people whatever; and half of the island of Newfoundland shall be owned by, and subject to the jurisdiction of his Most Christian Majesty; provided, that the province of Nova Scotia, island of Cape Breton, and the remaining parts of Newfoundland, be annexed to the territory of the United States."

Lest these offers should not prevail, the following instructions were added:

"Should the proposals already made, be insufficient to produce the proposed declaration of war, and the commissioners are convinced that it cannot be otherwise accomplished, they assure his Most Christian Majesty, that such of the British West India islands, as, in the course of the war, shall be reduced by the united force of France and the United States, shall be yielded in absolute property to his Most Christian Majesty; and the United States engage, on timely notice, to furnish at their expense, and deliver at some convenient port or ports, in the said United States, provisions for carrying on expeditions against the said islands, to the amount of two millions of dollars, and six frigates mounting not less than twenty-four guns each, manned and fitted for sea; and to render any other assistance, which may be in their power, as becomes good allies." Vol. ii. pp. 38, 39, 40.

These new and advantageous offers, however, could not induce France to depart from her neutral position. The capture of general Burgoyne and his army in October 1777, produced a change of affairs in England and France.

Convinced that the British ministry were about to offer terms of reconciliation, which might be accepted by the Americans, the French court, in December, agreed to form treaties of commerce and alliance with them. These treaties were completed on the 6th of February 1778; and were soon followed by a minister plenipotentiary to the United States. The ceremonial of the reception of this minister, is found in the journals, and will afford some amusement at least, to our readers. It was deemed important that no point of etiquette should be omitted, in the first audience given to a minister from one of the most powerful, as well as most polite courts in Europe.

"At the time he is to receive his audience, two members shall wait upon him in a coach belonging to the States; and the person first named of the two, shall return with the minister plenipotentiary or envoy, in the coach, giving the minister the right hand, and placing himself on his left, with the other member on the front seat.

When the minister plenipotentiary or envoy, is arrived at the door of the congress hall, he shall be introduced to his chair by the two members, who shall stand at his left hand. Then the member first named, shall present and announce him to the president and the house; whereupon he shall bow to the president and the congress, and they to him. He and the president shall then again bow unto each other, and be seated; after which the house shall sit down.

Having spoken and been answered, the minister and president shall bow to each other, at which time the house shall bow, and then he shall be conducted home, in the manner he was brought to the house."