whether we shall enter upon a career of colonization or not, but whether we shall shift into other channels the colonization which has lasted as long as our national existence, or whether we shall abandon it; whether we shall expand in other directions, or cease to expand into new territory at all. Although the acquisition of the Spanish colonies was an accident, in the sense that the war was not waged with any deliberate intention of expansion, yet the question was sure to present itself in some form before long; and there can be little doubt how it would have been answered. . . .

. . . That a tendency so firmly rooted should die out as the country fills up, that the custom of pushing into any favorable opening should not operate beyond the present limits of the United States, seems incredible. . . .

It seems altogether probable, therefore, that if the war with Spain had not broken out, the question of expansion would have arisen in some concrete form before many decades had passed, and that it would ultimately have been answered in the affirmative. The war has forced the issue, prematurely, perhaps, and rightly or wrongly, for good or for evil, the die is cast. Hence it behooves us to consider the causes of our past success in expansion or colonization, and see how far they are applicable to our new possessions. Of these causes two are preeminent: the territories have been treated as infant states, subject to tutelage only until they came of age; and they have been managed unselfishly. . . .

... The application of the principle that their people had equal political rights with those of the older parts of the country has been justified by the fact that the population of states and territories has been substantially homogeneous. . . . Now, these conditions are not true in our new possessions. No one of them has a population homogeneous with our own, or the experience of a long training in selfgovernment. . . . They must be trained for it, as our forefathers were trained, beginning with local government under a strong judicial system, and the process will necessarily be slow. . . .

One element of our success in the management of the territories their treatment as infant states, with institutions like our own and prospective equality of rights- cannot therefore be applied to our new possessions; and this very fact ought to make us the more earnest in using every other means at our disposal.

The second great cause of our success has been that we have treated the territories unselfishly. . . . This principle of unselfish management

can be applied perfectly to our new possessions, and to any others we may ever acquire. The revolt of North America taught England the lesson that colonies cannot be a permanent source of wealth and strength unless they are managed with a single eye to their own welfare; and the subsequent experience of European nations has confirmed the principle, for it is one that is universally true. We must treat fairly not only each of our possessions as a whole, but also every race that inhabits it. . . .

The

Moreover, it is not enough that Congress legislate unselfishly. men sent to conduct the administration must have in view solely the welfare of the colonies committed to their charge, and this cannot be the case if they are appointed for political motives. . . . If our colonies are to thrive and add to our own prosperity, we must select only thoroughly trained administrators, fit them for their work by long experience, and retain them in office irrespective of party. To do this, it is necessary to create a permanent and highly paid colonial administrative service, which shall offer an honorable and attractive career for young men of ability. . . .

A. Lawrence Lowell, The Colonial Expansion of the United States, in Atlantic Monthly, February, 1899 (Boston, etc.), LXXXIII, 145–154 passim.

187. In the Philippines (1898)

BY FREDERIC H. SAWYER

Sawyer was, in 1885, acting British consul for the Philippines; he resided for fourteen years in Luzon, and travelled extensively throughout the archipelago. This extract is from a paper apparently sent to the United States naval attaché in London. - Bibliography: A. P. C. Griffin, List of Books relating to the Theory of Colonization, 11-22, 100-108.

THE

HE most important race in the archipelago is the Tagal or Tagaloc, inhabiting Manila and the central provinces of Luzon, and as my long experience of them is extremely favorable, I am loth to see them described as they have been — as ferocious savages, intent on bloodshed.

The Tagal, as I knew him, possesses a good deal of self-respect, and is of a quiet and calm demeanor. On great provocation he is liable to give way to a sudden burst of fury, in which condition he is very dangerous. But in general he shows great docility, and bears no malice if justly punished. He is fairly industrious, and sometimes is very hard

working. Anyone who has seen him poling barges against the current of the Pasig will admit this. He is a sportsman, and will readily put his money on his favorite horse or gamecock. He is also prone to other forms of gambling. He rarely gives way to intemperance.

The Tagal makes a good soldier; he can march long distances barefooted, and find food in the forests where European soldiers would

starve.

In action his officer has more trouble to hold him in than to urge him on. . .

The Tagals are good agriculturists. Their sugar plantations are worked on the "métayage" system, a sort of cooperative arrangement which gives good results. All the cultivation is done by natives of the islands, no Chinamen being employed on the land, except a few market gardeners near Manila.

I think that the Tagals and other natives might be easily governed. Latterly they have shown themselves rebellious against the Spanish Government and especially against the priests, but the causes are not far to seek.

In former times, when communication with Spain was by sailing vessel round the Cape, the number of Spaniards in the islands was small.

Each province was under an alcalde-mayor-who was both governor and judge; a province with a hundred thousand inhabitants had perhaps not more than five resident Spanish officials besides the priests. All the wealthy parishes had Spanish monks as parish priests. The poor ones had native clergy. The government was carried on according to the old "Leyes de Indias." By these wise laws the native was afforded great protection against extortion.

He was in some sense a perpetual minor, and could not be sued for more than $5. . .

These laws also conferred upon the native the perpetual usufruct of all the land that he cleared and cultivated, and he could not be removed from it. In consequence, most of the cultivated land in Luzon is to this day the property of the natives.

The native also had the right to cut timber in the forests to build or repair his house or ship, and could cut bamboos for his roofs and fences. . .

The taxes were light, the principal one being a poll tax called the "tributo." The customs duties were light and machinery for the sugar plantations came in free of duty. A friendly feeling then existed

between the Spaniard and the native; the maintenance of such an economical administration was not burdensome to the latter.

With the opening of the Suez Canal, and the subsequent establishment of a Spanish line of steamers, all this changed. Hordes of hungry Spaniards arrived by every steamer, for whom places must be found. A bureaucratic administration was gradually substituted for the old paternal régime.

New departments were organized and the old ones greatly extended. Officials fresh from Spain were poured into every province. . . .

A policy was now announced and acted upon to assimilate all the institutions of the archipelago to those of the peninsula a policy almost too imbecile for belief, but credible now we have seen to what depths of inaptitude a Spanish cabinet can descend. . . .

... every year some new and oppressive tax was imposed. The customs duties were several times raised and articles formerly exempt were made to pay. An export tax on sugar and hemp, a tax on all trades and professions, on horses and carriages, a port tax, stamp tax, a vexatious tax on all animals slaughtered, taxes on the hand looms used by the women in their spare time, taxes on sugar, rice, and oil mills, on ships, boats, and lighters; all these and many more were imposed. All these duties and taxes, collected by a horde of rapacious and unscrupulous employees, might well disgust the native with the Government. All classes felt the oppression. The rich were blackmailed under threats of being reported as disaffected, while the poor suffered from illegal exactions.

Serious agrarian troubles arose between the monastic orders and the tenants on their vast estates. Toward the end of General Weyler's government a perilous state of unrest prevailed. But the arrival of Gen. Don Emilio Despujols, Conde de Caspe, to take over the government soon produced a better feeling. He meted out justice alike to priest and tenant, to Spaniard and native, and sent back to Spain several notorious offenders who were a disgrace to the Spanish name. The natives, seeing justice done them for the first time, became most fervent admirers of the Conde de Caspe, whom they looked upon as a savior. He became the idol of the people. This state of things was unfortunately of short duration, for the priests seeing that he was not their champion obtained his recall by cable. It is said that they paid $100,000 in Madrid to obtain this. His departure was a wonderful sight; never had there been seen such demonstrations of affection to a

governor-general.

Innumerable multitudes of natives crowded the shores to see him embark, and every steamer belonging to the port accompanied him far out to sea.

With the sudden departure of the Conde de Caspe there settled down on the native mind the gloomy conviction that force alone could plead their cause and that their only hope was to rise in arms.

Who can wonder at it? With that horde of hungry taxgatherers ever vexing them, with all justice denied them, with exile from their homes to some distant island ever hanging over them, what else could they do? Their fight almost unarmed against the Spaniards was heroic and merits the admiration of all brave men. With few exceptions, their humanity has been equal to their valor. Altogether, I consider the Tagals to be a brave, kindly, intelligent, and interesting people, worthy of a better government than they have had. At the same time they are not advanced enough to take the administration of the archipelago, nor even of Luzon, entirely into their own hands.

If an honest administration could be conferred upon them, I am convinced that in a very few years they would attain such a degree of prosperity as no other colony has hitherto achieved, and thus fully justify their release from the curse of Spanish domination.

Senate Documents, 55 Cong., 3 sess. (Washington, 1899), VIII, No. 62, pt. 2, PP. 552–555 passim.

188. The Porto Ricans (1899)

BY COMMISSIONER HENRY KING CARROLL

Carroll, author-journalist, was for many years religious and political editor of the Independent. In 1898, after the Spanish war had been suspended by the protocol, President McKinley sent him to Porto Rico as a special commissioner to study the conditions of the island. This extract is from his report. - Bibliography as in No. 187 above.

THE

HE system of public schools was antiquated, and few improvements seem to have been made. In practice it was decidedly inferior and insufficient. Most attention was given, naturally, to urban schools, and these were inadequate in almost every respect. Less attention was given to schools in the rural districts, where the difficulties were