CHAPTER IV

AMERICA IN THE PHILIPPINES

IN ANY discussion of America's entrance into the Philippines, it is well to emphasize certain facts which some of our countrymen are inclined to forget. The first of these is that our being in the Philippines is not the act of any class or party, but represents the will of the American people. Our war with Spain was not a partisan affair, but resulted from the pressure of an almost unanimous public sentiment. The Battle of Manila Bay, which was a logical outcome of that war, aroused our people to the highest enthusiasm. The sending of American troops to the islands, both to prosecute the war against Spain and to preserve public order thereafter, met scarcely a dissenting voice. The outbreak of the Philippine insurrectionbeing a protest of certain elements of the people against our occupation-occurred February 4, 1899, before our Senate, by a non-party vote, approved the Treaty of Paris, thus confirming our title to the islands and ratifying the action theretofore taken by President McKinley under his war power. The record shows that Mr. Bryan, who later became an apostle of "Anti-Imperialism," was quite active in achieving this result.

There are many also who confuse our rights and obligations in the Philippines with those respecting Cuba. The treaty with Spain, however, discloses an entirely different relation and responsibility. As to Cuba it provides:

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Art. I. Spain relinquishes all claim of sovereignty over and title to Cuba.

The Philippine provision reads:

Art. III. Spain cedes to the United States the Archipelago known as the Philippine Islands.

As heretofore shown, the sovereignty of Spain had existed in the Philippines for over three centuries, and her title was clearer than is that of most modern countries to their possessions.

By formal treaty, therefore, the Philippine Archipelago became "domestic territory" of the United States, and its status differs in no respect from the territory ceded us by Mexico in 1848, or the subsequently acquired territories of Alaska, Hawaii, and the Canal Zone. In what is known as the Diamond Rings Case, 183 U. S. 176, the Supreme Court of the United States, speaking through Chief Justice Fuller, expresses the fact as follows:

By the 3rd Article of the treaty Spain ceded to the United States "the archipelago known as the Philippine Islands," and the United States agreed to pay Spain the sum of $20,000,000 within three months. The treaty was ratified; Congress appropriated the money; the ratification was proclaimed. The treaty-making power, the executive power, the legislative power, concurred in the completion of the transaction.

The Philippines thereby ceased, in the language of the treaty, "to be Spanish." Ceasing to be Spanish, they ceased to be foreign country. They came under the complete and absolute sovereignty and dominion of the United States, and so became territory of the United States over which civil government could be established. The result was the same although there was no stipulation that the native inhabitants should be incorporated into the body politic, and none securing to them the right to choose their nationality. Their allegiance became due to the United States, and they became entitled to its protection.

Something not generally known is that the $20,000,000 paid Spain under the treaty was not a gratuity or in

compensation for specific property or territory. The minutes of the Conference show that the islands had a public debt at that time of 40,000,000 pesos-equivalent to $20,000,000 gold-on account of certain bonds issued by the Spanish Government secured by a special guarantee of the Philippine customs. The Spanish Commissioners insisted that payment of these bonds be expressly assumed or guaranteed by the United States upon taking over the islands. This was refused by the American Commissioners, the matter being finally arranged through agreement to pay the amount to Spain and the assumption of the indebtedness by her.

The situation in the Philippines at the time of and immediately preceding American occupation was this:

In 1896 an uprising against Spanish authority occurred in certain Tagalog provinces adjacent to Manila, the movement coming finally under the leadership of Emilio Aguinaldo. The purposes of the insurrection as stated by Isabelo Artacho, one of the Filipino leaders, was:

The expulsion of the Religious Corporations from the islands; the reformation of the Spanish laws in force in the Philippines, adapting them to the aspirations of the people; granting the people ample and solid instruction in all branches of education; with personal security and liberty based on a rational political system.

As will be noted, Señor Artacho does not include political independence as one of the objects for which they were striving a fact amply confirmed by other documents. The demands of the insurgents, so far as then formulated, were simply for administrative reforms, and the expulsion of the Friars or curtailment of their powers.

When the revolt began there were but 300 Spanish soldiers in Manila and some 1,500 in the entire Archipelago, which number was later increased to 26,000, assisted by

several loyal Filipino regiments. With the army thus recruited, the insurgent forces, after a short campaign, were defeated and scattered.

Early in 1897 the insurrection started afresh and spread to other Luzon provinces, its trail being marked by acts of wanton cruelty and barbarous reprisals by Spaniards and natives alike. By the end of November, 1897, the government forces had succeeded in overcoming and dispersing the Insurgents throughout most of the affected territory, the only position of importance remaining uncaptured being at Biacnabáto, a mountain stronghold north of Manila. In the meantime negotiations had proceeded, looking to the securing of peace through a cash payment to the insurgent leaders and their departure from the islands. Primo de Rivera, then Governor-General, in recommending this plan to his government, stated the advantages as being: "The saving of money, the saving of lives, and that it would destroy the prestige of the chiefs who sold out and emigrated." The Spanish Ministry, fully occupied as it was with Cuba, authorized the proposed arrangement. In treating with the Insurgents, however, Primo de Rivera absolutely refused to commit himself to specific reforms, declaring that Spain "could never admit. anything which might affect her honour or sovereignty, or involve compromises for the future," and that he "could only employ his good offices to indicate such reforms as he thought were needed." With this understanding, and on this basis, Aguinaldo and his subordinate chiefs undertook, in consideration of 800,000 pesos-to be paid in three installments to surrender their arms, dismiss the insurgent forces, and themselves leave the Philippines. This agreement, known as the Treaty of Biacnabáto, was executed on December 15, 1897, having

been ratified by the Insurgent "Assembly" and approved by their "Supreme Council." On December 27th, Aguinaldo and twenty-seven companions were taken to Hong Kong on a Spanish steamer, the first instalment of 400,000 pesos being deposited to the credit of Aguinaldo & Company in a Hong Kong Bank on January 2, 1898. This fund was controlled and disbursed by Aguinaldo for the maintenance of himself and fellow exiles.

Contention immediately developed as to the "proceeds of sale." Two days following Aguinaldo's departure, a gathering of insurgent chiefs, styling themselves "Principals of the Insurrection," headed by Isabelo Artacho, protested to Primo de Rivera against sending the rest of the money to Aguinaldo, saying, among other things, that: "Discontent has been produced in the minds of many who, though having more rights to the benefits of pacification, have nevertheless been left in complete abandonment in these islands, while, on the contrary, others, of better fortune, though with less merit or fitness, have embarked for foreign ports whither they have been taken to be maintained with the so-called treasury of the insurrection." The second instalment of 200,000 pesos was accordingly paid to the chiefs who made the protest. Apparently the third instalment was not paid, the reason assigned being that there was little chance of its equitable division among those entitled to it under the agreement.

On February 24, 1898, Aguinaldo and his associates in Hong Kong declared the Biacnabáto agreement with the Spanish authorities "null and void" because of failure to pay the full thirty pieces of silver, and organized a “Revolutionary Committee" to engage in propaganda outside the Philippines and to assist in carrying on insurrection in the islands. While treating their contract with Primo de