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powers of the old Captain-General of Cuba and the old Governors of Spanish Florida, save that he could neither levy taxes nor grant land. For this post a man of the utmost prudence was needed. But it pleased Monroe to select Jackson, because, in his opinion, some amends were due for the attack made upon the general in the House of Representatives two years before; because the victory at New Orleans had given him a popularity such as was not enjoyed by any other American then living; and because, by a recent act of Congress, he was about to be turned out of the military service of the United States.

The law provided that after June first, 1821, there should be but one major-general, and, as Jackson was the youngest in commission, he must go. That the nation might be spared the odium of discarding the most distinguished soldier then in her service, Monroe at once appointed him Governor of Florida, and commissioner to receive the territory from the Spaniards. He promptly accepted the office, and, while James Grant Forbes was despatched in the sloop of war Hornet to carry the order of the King of Spain to the CaptainGeneral of Cuba for the delivery of the province, and bring back the necessary orders for the surrender of Florida, its forts, and its archives to the American commissioner, Jackson travelled slowly southward to Pensacola. At that city, in July, amid the tears and sobs of the people, the province was formally delivered to the Americans.

Had the weeping Spaniards at Pensacola looked over the world on that memorable July day, they could have found no spot on earth so blessed as the United States, no people so prosperous and happy as those with whom their lot was cast. Abroad, near by, around them on every hand, were nations struggling desperately for a little of that kind of liberty of which henceforth it was to be their privilege to enjoy so much. With all the details of the revolutions and counterrevolutions of Mexico and Colombia, Guatemala, Chili, Buenos Ayres, Naples, Greece, Portugal, and Spain we are most happily not concerned. Yet the story of them must be told with some fulness if we are to understand two memorable events of Monroe's second administration the announcement

of the doctrine that bears his name, and the early settlement of Texas.

The uprising of the Spaniards against Joseph Bonaparte, in June, 1808, had been followed by a struggle between the new King and the revolutionary juntas that sprang up in every Spanish city and struggled for control of the American colonies. Chief among these dependencies of the Crown was Mexico. There the natives of Spain and the Mexicans in office, influenced by the emissaries of Bonaparte, would gladly have obeyed the order of the Council of the Indies and declared for King Joseph. The Viceroy Iturigaroy and the Mexican people, led by the agents of the junta of Seville, were for adhering to Ferdinand Seventh; but, when agents of other juntas appeared and claimed to govern the country, the people in their distraction appealed to the viceroy to establish a revolutionary government for Mexico. As he was about to comply, the Spaniards holding office under the Crown seized and committed him to the prison of the Inquisition. When the junta of Seville heard of this, it approved the act, and appointed the Archbishop of Mexico viceroy. He was soon removed, however, and the government intrusted to the Court of Audience, which held it when the victories of Napoleon in Spain scattered the junta of Saville for the time being. It reassembled, however, at Cadiz, and sent out Don José Venegas as viceroy.

The dispersion of the junta had been the signal for a revolt of the native Mexicans under the lead of Don Miguel Hidalgo, a curate of Dolores, in the province of Guanaxuato. Half-breeds and creoles, Indians and mestizos, even royal troops, hurried to his standard, and, with an army growing as it marched, he set off for and took the city of Guanaxuato. The revolt now became general, and Hidalgo, after providing abundance of munitions with the money found in the city treasury, started for Mexico. His troops were many and enthusiastic; his supplies were plentiful; all opposition melted away as he approached, and there seemed to be nothing to stop his triumphant progress. But, though the viceroy had few troops, he had a weapon which to the ignorant and superstitious rabble that followed Hidalgo was far more terrible

TOL. V.

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powers of the old Captain-General of Cuba and the old Governors of Spanish Florida, save that he could neither levy taxes nor grant land. For this post a man of the utmost prudence was needed. But it pleased Monroe to select Jackson, because, in his opinion, some amends were due for the attack made upon the general in the House of Representatives two years before; because the victory at New Orleans had given him a popularity such as was not enjoyed by any other American then living; and because, by a recent act of Congress, he was about to be turned out of the military service of the United States.

The law provided that after June first, 1821, there should be but one major-general, and, as Jackson was the youngest in commission, he must go. That the nation might be spared the odium of discarding the most distinguished soldier then in her service, Monroe at once appointed him Governor of Florida, and commissioner to receive the territory from the Spaniards. He promptly accepted the office, and, while James Grant Forbes was despatched in the sloop of war Hornet to carry the order of the King of Spain to the CaptainGeneral of Cuba for the delivery of the province, and bring back the necessary orders for the surrender of Florida, its forts, and its archives to the American commissioner, Jackson travelled slowly southward to Pensacola. At that city, in July, amid the tears and sobs of the people, the province was formally delivered to the Americans.

Had the weeping Spaniards at Pensacola looked over the world on that memorable July day, they could have found no spot on earth so blessed as the United States, no people so prosperous and happy as those with whom their lot was cast. Abroad, near by, around them on every hand, were nations struggling desperately for a little of that kind of liberty of which henceforth it was to be their privilege to enjoy so much. With all the details of the revolutions and counterrevolutions of Mexico and Colombia, Guatemala, Chili, Buenos Ayres, Naples, Greece, Portugal, and Spain we are most happily not concerned. Yet the story of them must be told with some fulness if we are to understand two memorable events of Monroe's second administration the announcement

of the doctrine that bears his name, and the early settlement of Texas.

The uprising of the Spaniards against Joseph Bonaparte, in June, 1808, had been followed by a struggle between the new King and the revolutionary juntas that sprang up in every Spanish city and struggled for control of the American colonies. Chief among these dependencies of the Crown was Mexico. There the natives of Spain and the Mexicans in office, influenced by the emissaries of Bonaparte, would gladly have obeyed the order of the Council of the Indies and declared for King Joseph. The Viceroy Iturigaroy and the Mexican people, led by the agents of the junta of Seville, were for adhering to Ferdinand Seventh; but, when agents of other juntas appeared and claimed to govern the country, the people in their distraction appealed to the viceroy to establish a revolutionary government for Mexico. As he was about to comply, the Spaniards holding office under the Crown seized and committed him to the prison of the Inquisition. When the junta of Seville heard of this, it approved the act, and appointed the Archbishop of Mexico viceroy. He was soon removed, however, and the government intrusted to the Court of Audience, which held it when the victories of Napoleon in Spain scattered the junta of Saville for the time being. It reassembled, however, at Cadiz, and sent out Don José Venegas as viceroy.

The dispersion of the junta had been the signal for a revolt of the native Mexicans under the lead of Don Miguel Hidalgo, a curate of Dolores, in the province of Guanaxuato. Half-breeds and creoles, Indians and mestizos, even royal troops, hurried to his standard, and, with an army growing as it marched, he set off for and took the city of Guanaxuato. The revolt now became general, and Hidalgo, after providing abundance of munitions with the money found in the city treasury, started for Mexico. His troops were many and enthusiastic; his supplies were plentiful; all opposition melted away as he approached, and there seemed to be nothing to stop his triumphant progress. But, though the viceroy had few troops, he had a weapon which to the ignorant and superstitious rabble that followed Hidalgo was far more terrible

VOL. V.

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than guns and soldiers—the spiritual arms of Rome. This he used, and Hidalgo and his followers were excommunicated. To weapons of this sort the revolted priest paid no heed, and made his way to the outskirts of the city of Mexico. But his people had deserted him in such numbers that he was forced to retreat, was pursued, betrayed, taken, and executed in the usual Mexican way. One of his followers, Bernardo Gutierres, made good his escape, and, after a long flight across Texas, found refuge at Natchitoches, where he made the acquaintance of Lieutenant Augustus W. Magee.

Magee was a graduate of West Point, had caught the spirit of the Wilkinson school of soldiers on the frontier, and was quickly persuaded by Gutierres to join in an attempt to conquer Texas. To get followers was an easy matter, for the neutral strip which lay between the Sabine and the Arroyo Hondo had long been inhabited by a lawless, desperate set of freebooters, who lived by plundering the overland trade between Mexico and New Orleans, and were ready for any enterprise however reckless. A call to them to join the “Republican Army of the North” and receive forty dollars a month and a league of land in the Republic of Texas was promptly responded to, and in June, 1812, one hundred and fifty, under Gutierres, began their march for Spanish Bluffs, on the Trinity river. With the history of that army-how it captured Nacogdoches and the fort at Spanish Bluffs; how it crossed the Colorado and was besieged by Don Manuel de Salcedo, Governor of Texas, at La Bahia; how it drove him to San Antonio; how it captured the town, and treacherously put to death Salcedo, Simon de Herrera, Governor of New Leon, and a host of officers-need not be related. With the capture of San Antonio success left the Republicans. They deposed Gutierres, placed Don José Alvarez Toledo in command, were defeated, and in two months' time the few that remained were back on the west bank of the Sabine.

After establishing a camp at Gaines's Ferry, Toledo returned to the United States, collected arms, ammunition, and a few men, whom he led to El Puente del Rey, a place between Vera Cruz and Jalapa, fortified it, and waited for the troops of the Mexican republic to join him.

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