of these meetings that John Quincy Adams, then Secretary of State, bearing in mind his conversations with the Russian Minister regarding Oregon, suggested a declaration relating to colonization, and urged it so successfully that Monroe gave it a place in his memorable message to Congress on December second, 1823.

As then set forth, the Monroe Doctrine consisted of three great principles:

The first, called forth by the claims of Russia to the northwest coast, and by her attempt to found a colony in California, asserted that the two continents of America are no longer open to colonization by European powers, because of the free and independent character the nations living in North and South America have assumed.*

The second related to the conduct of the Holy Allies, and was a formal notice to them and to all nations that if any European power should ever attempt to extend its political system to any part of the New World, whether "for the purpose of oppressing" the nations or "controlling in any other manner their destiny," the United States would interfere. t

The third had to do with our policy toward Europe, was the reassertion of a principle as old as the Constitution

"In the discussion to which this interest (the rights of the United States on the northwest coast of America) has given rise, and in the arrangements by which they may terminate, the occasion has been judged proper for asserting, as a principle in which the rights and interests of the United States are involved, that the American continents, by the free and independent condition which they have assumed and maintained, are henceforth not to be considered as subjects for future colonization of any European powers."

"We owe it, therefore, to candor, and to the amicable relations existing between the United States and those powers, to declare that we should consider any attempt on their part to extend their system to any portion of this hemisphere as dangerous to our peace and safety. With the existing colonies or dependencies of any European power we have not interfered, and shall not interfere. . . . But with the governments who have declared their independence, and maintained it, and whose independence we have, on great consideration and on just principles, acknowledged, we could not view any interposition for the purpose of oppressing them, or controlling in any other manner their destiny, by any European power, in any other light than as the manifestation of an unfriendly disposition toward the United States."

1823.

THE DOCTRINE ANNOUNCED.

47

"the United States will not interfere in the internal concerns of any European power." *

Stated more briefly, the doctrine was this:

1. No more European colonies on either of the American continents.

2. The United States will "not interfere in the internal concerns" of any European power.

3. "But in regard to these continents (North and South America) circumstances are eminently and conspicuously different," and if any European power attempts at any future time to extend its political system to any part of this hemisphere" for the purpose of oppressing" the nations or "controlling in any other manner their destiny," the United States will interfere.

Monroe might have informed the Holy Allies of his doctrine under cover of an official note. But he preferred to announce it before the world, and in his message warned them that any attempt on their part to violate the doctrine would be "dangerous to our peace and safety" and a "manifestation of an unfriendly disposition toward the United States."

In England the words of the President were hailed with extravagant delight. The English people, the English statesmen, the English press were loud in their praise of the firm stand Monroe had taken against the allies.

"The question," said Mr. Brougham, "with regard to South America is now disposed of, or nearly so, for an event

* "Our policy in regard to Europe, which was adopted at an early stage of the wars which have so long agitated that quarter of the globe, nevertheless remains the same, which is not to interfere in the internal concerns of any of its powers; to consider the Government de facto as the legitimate Government for us; to cultivate friendly relations with it, and to preserve those relations by a frank, firm, and manly policy; meeting in all instances the just claims of every power, submitting to injuries from none. But, in regard to these continents, circumstances are eminently and conspicuously different. It is impossible that the allied powers should extend their political system to any portion of either continent without endangering our peace and happiness; nor can any one believe that our Southern brethren, if left to themselves, would adopt it of their own accord. It is equally impossible, therefore, that we should behold such inter position, in any form, with indifference,"

has recently happened than which no event has dispersed greater joy, exultation, and gratitude over all the freemen of Europe that event which is decisive of the subject in respect to South America is the message of the President of the United States to the Congress.'

The London Courier, the London Times, the Morning Chronicle, Bell's Weekly Messenger, the Liverpool Advertiser, were loud in the praise of the new doctrine, and, when the French administration journal L'Etoile denounced the message and called Monroe a dictator, it was the London Times that hastened to defend him.*

* From the London Courier of December 24th.—The speech of the President of the United States is, in all its bearings, a document of more than usual importance. The latter part, which arrived so late yesterday that we were forced to omit it in a small part of our impression, will be found in our last page to-day, and, waiving every other topic in the speech, we direct our whole attention to that part the most important of all to every European power.

The question of the independence and recognition of the South American States may now be considered as at rest. Great Britain has, as we have repeatedly shown, acknowledged their independence de facto; and the United States, their nearest neighbors, have not only acknowledged it, but have given a bold and manly notice to the Continental powers that they shall treat "any interposition with a view of oppressing or controlling them in any manner as a manifestation of an unfriendly disposition toward themselves-and as dangerous to their peace and safety"; in other words, they shall view it as affording them just ground for war.

After so clear and explicit a warning, there is not one of the Continental powers, we suppose, that will risk a war with the United States-a war in which not only they could not expect to have either the aid or good wishes of Great Britain, but a war in which the good wishes of Great Britain (if she did not choose to give more efficient succour) would be all on the side of the United States. Thus, then, we repeat that the question may be considered to be set at rest; we shall hear no more of a Congress to settle the fate of the South American States. Protected by the two nations that possess the institutions and speak the language of freedom-by Great Britain on one side and the United States on the other their independence is placed beyond the reach of danger; and the Continental powers, unable to harm them, will do well to establish that friendly and commercial intercourse with them which they could never have done had they remained under the yoke of Old Spain.

From the London Morning Chronicle.-The American papers received yesterday contain the accounts of the opening of Congress, and the message of the President of the United States. The communication of the chief office-bearer of the great Republic to the Legislature at this critical period-when the ambition of kings, not satisfied with the calamity which it has occasioned in Europe, threat.

1824.

ENGLISH COMMENT.

49

ens to rekindle the flames of war throughout the Western Hemisphere-was looked forward to with the utmost anxiety. It is worthy of the occasion and of the people destined to occupy so large a space in the future history of the world. What a contrast between the manly plainness of this State paper and the Machiavelism and hypocrisy of the declaration of the manifestoes of the Governments of this part of the world!

Whatever lately were the intentions of the French Ministers respecting South America, it is now asserted, from undoubted authority, that English policy has prevailed in Paris over that of Russia, and that not only will France not assist Spain in any attempt to subjugate her former American colonies, but may view, not with indifference, any support which Russia or any other nation may lend her for this purpose. This is certainly a wise resolution on the part of the French Government, for this independence of the new American States must extend their commerce, and thereby increase the prosperity of Frenchmen. Russia, blocked up nearly half the year by impenetrable ice, can never partake of Southern commerce until a port be opened for her in the Dardanelles, and hence the anxiety exhibited by her to involve France in the expensive and hopeless employment of restoring America to the yoke of the Bourbons; for, without this or some other occupation for the French armies, and the British navy, he has not the most distant chance of accomplishing the long and ardently cherished designs of his empire against ancient Greece, now in possession. This union of France and England in the great cause of American independence is another strong ground for expecting the continuation of the blessings of peace, and, consequently, an improvement in the public credit of nations. The speech of the President of the United States, so full of wisdom and just ideas, has, however, had more effect on the opinions of the leaders in the national securities than the abundance of money or the changed policy of France, for in it they see a sufficient guarantee for the maintenance of the freedom of the American Continent. There is no part, however, of this speech which can afford more genuine satisfaction to every civilized nation than the notice which it takes of the extraordinary and gallant struggle made at present by the Greeks in the cause of general independence.

From the Liverpool Advertiser of January 3d.—By one short passage in it is set at rest, we dare presume, whatever may have been in agitation by the Continental allies in reference to the late Spanish possessions in America. There will be no attempt made, it may be confidently affirmed, to interfere with the present condition of those countries when it is known that such interference would be viewed by the United States as a just cause of war, on her part, with any power attempting such interference.

In regard of the power, prosperity, and resources of the nation herself, also, the language of the speech is very interesting; her revenue, it is affirmed, will, on the first of this year, exceed her expenditure by no less than nine million dollars. Her population is estimated at ten millions, and every branch of industry, every source of revenue, wealth, and power is flourishing.

On its subjects of common interests to all nations the Government of the United States is enabled to stand forward to suggest and promote what is beneficial, and to crush what is injurious. In the specch is developed a new idea in respect to maritime war, which, if adopted, on this suggestion, by other powers,

At home the message was read with enthusiasm and pride.* There were many, it is true, who condemned Monroe, accused him of saying things likely to bring on the country the

will greatly tend to lessen the evils of national contention. It is proposed to do away altogether with the system of privateering in so far as it is countenanced by governments.

It is also suggested, as a means of effectually suppressing the slave-trade, that vessels found by the ships of any nation to be engaged in this traffic shall be treated on the same footing with vessels caught in piracy.

While in her power and resources, as they are illustrated in this speech, the nation of the United States exhibits the vigor of ripe years, she, in those sentiments of active humanity, seems to our thought to preserve the fresh feeling of youth, and not to be wholly engrossed as older States are, in the pursuit or support of purely selfish interests. And we have thus a pleasure from contemplating her less as that metaphysical insentient thing, a State, than as an actual human and feeling being.

From Bell's Weekly Messenger of December 17th.-The main object of any interest during the week now passed is the arrival of the speech of the President of the United States. It is a document of the first interest and importance. It is interesting because it is a brief, simple, and direct exposé of Republican government; always true, plain dealing, and sincere. It is important because, fearing nothing, it conceals nothing, and is totally divested of all trick, artifice, and commonplace jargon, which renders the diplomacy of Europe so much more than merely nugatory.

Long, very long, have we wished that Canada might be sold or exchanged with the United States. Exchanged for what? it may be demanded. Why, for such an annuity for a term of years as would redeem what remains of the English assessed taxes, and redeem them forever.

If America would give us enough for this purpose for five or seven years, the natural progress of our revenue would do what would be required after that time. Add to this that we should save upward of half a million yearly in the expense of the Canada Government, and nearly as much more in the reduction of the army which it would allow. This has long been our own view, and we are persuaded that half, at least, of our best statesmen unite with us in it. As to the right of doing so, there can be no doubt that the Canadians would agree, and for that reason-because it is their decided interest to do so, and because (if we were Canadians) we should not hesitate one moment.

*J. Madison to Monroe.

MONTPELLIER, Dec. 6, 1823. DEAR SIR: I received by yesterday's mail your favor of the 4th, covering a copy of the message and another copy under a blank cover. It presents a most interesting view of the topics selected for it. The observations on the foreign ones are well moulded for the occasion, which is rendered the more delicate and serious by the equivocal indications from the British Cabinet. The reserve of Canning after his frank and earnest conversations with Mr. Rush is mysterious