exaggerate it. You couldn't exaggerate it. I haven't the power to exaggerate it.

"Fellow citizens!" and then he paused until his fingers and knees shook, and began to swallow, then turned aside to look at his manuscript.

"Fellow citizens:-We are-we are-we are-we are very happy. We are very happy-we are very happy-we are very happy. We are very happy-to welcome back to their native town-to their native town-these soldiers -these soldiers-who have fought and bled, and are back again in their native town. We are especially, we are especially pleased to see with us to-night this young hero, (that meant me)—who in imagination—(friends, remember he said that; if he hadn't said that I wouldn't have been egotistic enough to refer to it to-day, I assure you)—who, in imagination,—we have seen leading his troops on to the deadly breach. We have seen his shining-we have seen his shining-his shining sword-we have seen his shining sword, flashing in the sunlight, as he shouted to his troops, 'Come on!"" [Laughter and applause.]

Oh, dear, dear, dear! He was a good old man, but how little he knew about the War. If he had known anything about war at all, he ought to have known that it is next to a crime for an officer of infantry ever, in time of danger, to go ahead of his men. I, with "my shining sword flashing in the sunlight," and calling to my troops, "Come on!" I never did it. Do you suppose I would go in front of my men to be shot in front by the enemy, and in the back by my own men? It is no place for an officer. The place for an officer in time of danger is behind the private soldier. It is the private soldier who faces the enemy. Often, as a staff officer, I have ridden down the line, before the battle, and as I rode I have given the general's order, shouting, "Officers to the rear!" And then every officer goes behind the line of private soldiers, and the higher the officer's rank, the further behind he goes. It is the place for him; for, if your officers and your generals were killed on the first discharge, where would the plan of the battle be? How ashamed I was of the whole af

fair In actual battle such an officer has no right to go ahead of his men. \ Some of those men had carried that boy across the Carolina rivers. Some of them had given him their last draught of coffee. One of them had leaped in front of him and had his cheek-bone shot away; he had leaped in front of the boy to save his life. "Some were not there at all, and the tears flowing from the eyes of the widows and orphans showed that they had gone down for their country. Yet in the good man's speech he scarcely noticed those who had died; the hero of the hour was that boy. We do not know even now where many of those comrades do sleep. They went down to death. Sometimes in my dreams I call, "Answer me, ye sighing pines of the Carolinas; answer me, ye shining sands of Florida; answer me, ye crags and rocks of Kentucky and Tennessee, where sleep my dead?" But to my call no answer comes. DI know not where many of those men now sleep. But I do know this, they were brave men. I know they went down before a brave foe, fighting for a cause both believed to be right. Yet the hero of this hour was this boy. He was an officer, and they were only private soldiers.

I learned a lesson then I will never forget, until the bell of time ceases to swing for me,-that greatness consists not in holding an office. Greatness really consists in doing great deeds with little means,-in the accomplishment of vast purposes; from the private ranks of life-in benefiting one's own neighborhood, in blessing one's own city, the community in which he dwells. There, and there only, is the great test of human goodness and human ability. He who waits for an office before he does great and noble deeds must fail altogether.

I learned that lesson then, that henceforth in life I will call no man great simply because he holds an office. Greatness! It is something more than office, something more than fame, more than genius! It is the great-heartedness that encloses those in need, reaches down to those below, and lifts them up. May this thought come to every one of these young men and women who hear me speak to-night and abide through future years. [Applause.]

I close with the words of Bailey. He was not one of

13

our greatest writers, but, after all, in this he was one of our best:

"We live in deeds, not years,

In feelings, not in figures on a dial,

In thoughts, not breaths;

We should count time by heart throbs; (in the cause of right.)
He most lives who thinks most.”

Oh, friends, if you forget everything else I say, don't forget these two lines; for, if you think two thoughts where I think one, you live twice as much as I do in the same length of time.

"He most lives who thinks most,

Who feels the noblest,

And who acts the best."

[Great applause.]

FRANCIS MARION CRAWFORD

POPE LEO XIII

[Lecture by F. Marion Crawford, novelist (born in Italy, August 2, 1854; - -), delivered first before the Contemporary Club, Bridgeport, Conn., October 28, 1897, as the initial lecture of Mr. Crawford's tour in this country during the season of 1897-98. It was repeated in various cities over the United States. Protestant clergymen it has been stated listened to it as cordially as any other persons in Mr. Crawford's audience, and several of them extended invitations to him to give it in their churches. Dr. Lyman Abbott wrote to Major James B. Pond who conducted Mr. Crawford's tour, "I am glad to be quoted everywhere as saying what I said at the close of that lecture, that I am sure wherever it is delivered it will help to remove prejudice of Protestants against Romanists, and of Romanists against Protestants." Mr. Crawford had been given unusual opportunities for studying life in the Papal palace, and his portrayal of the Pope, in this lecture, has been characterized as the most intimate that any one has ever been privileged to prepare.]

LADIES AND GENTLEMEN:-In speaking to you this evening of Pope Leo XIII in the Vatican, I must in the first place give you a very brief sketch of the circumstances which preceded his elevation to the pontificate, and must touch upon the career of Pope Pius IX; for the reign of the predecessor of Leo XIII was a contrast with the reign of Leo XIII at every point. Under Pope Pius IX the political power and influence of the Vatican steadily lost strength. Under Leo XIII it has steadily gained in power and in influence. After I have given you this brief sketch, I shall try and show you Pope Leo XIII as he lives and moves, and does his hard work, in his great old age, in the Vatican. Lastly, I shall touch upon Copyright, by J. B. Pond.

one or two questions which intimately concern him, and which in a measure concern the whole world.

We often call this age in which we live an age of civilization and enlightenment. Yet there has been more blood shed by nations calling themselves civilized during the last 120 years, than in any equal period of history. But the carnage was not uninterrupted; that long and dreadful record of death was divided in the midst by an interval of peace extending over nearly thirty years. Napoleon had harried the world from Moscow to Cairo, from Vienna to Madrid, pouring blood upon blood, exhausting the destroying power of mankind, in an uninterrupted and cruel destruction. But when he was gone Europe sank down utterly overcome. Then it was, under the rule of comparatively timid, feeble, insignificant sovereigns, that the great republican idea began to grow, deep down under the surface, like a cutting from the stricken tree of the revolution, planted in the very heart of Europe, nurtured in secret by devoted hands, but destined to destruction in the end as surely as the parent stock. About the middle of that long period, when everything was fomenting far down out of sight, there came a man whose life is marked upon the pages of history, a man whose name calls up all manner of memories of revolutions, of uprisings, and of rebellions.

That man was Mazzini, an Italian and a man of genius in his way. He founded the Society of Young Italy, in connection with all the other secret societies of Europe, and having the same object and intention which they had, namely, to produce a universal upheaval, in the hope of founding a general and lasting republic. Neither Mazzini nor Garibaldi, nor the men who stood by them and fought with them, had any intention of founding the modern Italian country which we see to-day. They were republicans to the core. They hated the idea of monarchy. The whole theory of a kingdom was repugnant to them. It was England, pouring its wealth into the country to help the house of Savoy, because she wanted an independent monarchy to subsist in the Mediterranean, that directed the whole tide of Mazzini's and Garibaldi's victories into the channel which was to cast modern Italy, as it were, under the hands of the house of Savoy.