made in favour of the duke of Bordeaux. A letter of the king, bearing that date, appointed the duke of Orleans lieutenant-general of the kingdom, and ordered him to proclaim the duke of Bordeaux king, under the title of Henry V.

The abdication of Charles was announced to the peers and the deputies by the lieutenant-general on the 3d of August; and Casimir-Perier was at the same time chosen president of the chamber. On the 6th, the chamber of deputies declared the throne of France vacant, de jure and de facto, and discussed the provisions of the charter. On the 7th, new changes were adopted in it; and it was voted to invite the duke of Orleans to become king of the French, on condition of his accepting these changes. On the 8th, the chamber went in a body to the duke, and offered him the crown, which he accepted; and on the 9th, he took the prescribed constitutional oath. The spirit of order manifested by the people during the struggles in Paris, which prevented all outrage and plundering, was still further shown in the unmolested retreat of Charles X., who took passage for England in two American vessels. On arriving he was received merely as a private person. The revolution of July, 1830, thus drove one dynasty from the throne of France, and seated another in its place. In theory, it sanctioned the doctrine of the sovereignty of the people, and dealt a fatal blow to the ancient notion of passive obedience; but in practice, it disappointed the "movement party," who looked to see a monarchy shorn of its prerogatives and surrounded by republican institutions.

Though this extraordinary revolution had been effected with such comparative ease, justice could hardly be considered as complete without the trial of those responsible officers of government who had originated, or at least sanctioned, this war on the liberties of France. In the course of the month, four of the ex-ministers, Peyronnet, Guernon de Ranville, Chantelauze, and Polignac, were arrested, tried by their peers, and being found guilty, were sentenced to imprisonment for life. While the trial was going on, the Luxembourg was surrounded by a clamorous mob, demanding the death of the prisoners, and threatening vengeance in case the sentence was not satisfactory. As the trial proceeded, and it began to be suspected that a capital sentence would not be pronounced, the violence of the multitude increased, and everything seemed to menace a new insurrection. The troops and national guards were kept under arms by night, and bivouacked in the public places. The whole personal influence of the king and of Lafayette was also employed to soothe the populace; still the number and clamour of the mob became so alarming, that it was determined to remove the prisoners secretly to Vincennes before sentence was pronounced; and the ruse succeeded.

In the beginning of the year 1831, the public mind continued to be agitated by conspiracies of Carlists, or partisans of the exiled family. Nor were there wanting, on the other hand, republicans and Bonapartists to fan the flame of insurrection both in the capital and in the provinces. In the midst of this anarchy, the king of the French, with that prudential foresight and conciliatory disposition which have characterised most of his movements, determined on a tour through his domnions; one of his objects, doubtless, having been to attach to his person, by so popular a course, a large portion of his subjects who might otherwise feel disposed to join the disaffected. In allusion to the feeling of republicanism, Dr. Taylor forcibly says: "When any of the apostles of sedition were brought to trial, they openly maintained their revolutionary doctrines; treated the king with derision; inveighed against the existing institutions of the country; entered into violent altercations with the public persecutor; menaced the juries and insulted the judges. The very extravagance of this evil at length worked out a remedy; the bombast of the republicans was carried to such an excess of absurdity, that it became ridiculous; the republicans were lis

erned when they found that the nonsense of their inflated speeches produced not intimidation, but laughter. Moderate men took courage; the middle classes, to whose prosperity peace abroad and tranquility at home were essentially necessary, rallied round the monarchy, and the republicans were forced to remain silent, until some new excitement of the public mind would afford an opportunity for disseminating mischievous falsehoods."

Beyond the period to which we have brought this history, nothing of any moment has occured in France, that is not incidentally mentioned in the latter part of the history of England. Whether Louis Philippe is apprehensive that the peace of the country will not be of long duration, or whether he is anxious to prevent the citizens of Paris from showing another specimen of their courage, if by any chance they should be brought into collision with the military—or whether it be to provide equally against either contingency—is more than we will venture to offer an opinion on; but we must not close our sketch without stating that he is at present engaged in fortifying Paris in a manner calculated to afford great facilities to the troops in either emergency. These works were begun in September, 1840, and are not yet finished. When complete, the city and suburbs of Paris will be enclosed with a thick, high wall, defended by bastions and moats in various parts. At some distance from this wall, exterior works, consisting chiefly of detached forts, will serve to protect the inner fortifications, and serve to prevent an enemy from approaching the walls of the town. This measure at first met with considerable opposition; but, viewing it as a defensive operation, and recollecting how lately the French capital was compelled to open its gates to an invading army, these defences are now regarded with more satisfaction than displeasure.

Subjoined to an excellent article on French statistics, &c., in Mr. M'Culloch's Dictionary, are the following pertinent observations on " the probable continuance of the existing order of things in France;" which, as an appropriate conclusion of this brief history, we take the liberty to transfer to our pages: "It would be to no purpose to take up the reader's time by making any observations on the great influence exercised by France in the politics of Europe and the world. That is too obvious, and has been too strikingly exemplified during the last half century, to require being pointed out. But, since the overthrow of Napoleon, France has been rather an object of awe, and of vague apprehension, from a want of confidence in the stability of her existing institutions, than from any fear of what she might be able to effect under a constitutional and settled form of government. Under all the circumstances, this feeling is, perhaps, not very unreasonable; for, were anything to occur to subvert the present order of things, and to excite the popular enthusiasm, it is difficult to say what the result might be. There are, indeed, many persons who are inclined to regard all apprehensions as to the subversion of the present constitution in France as chimerical; we confess, however, that we are unable to participate in their confidence. Everything in France appears to be tending to a pure democracy; and were there nothing else, the law of equal succession, by preventing the continuance of large fortunes in single families, would suffice to bring it about. What, in fact, is there in France to oppose a revolution? With the exception of the holders of funded property, and of those in the immediate employment of the court, hardly any one could apprehend any injury from it; and it is most probable the property of the former would be protected. There are no longer any great landholders; and it is immaterial to the holder of a small piece of land who is at the head of affairs, provided the burdens laid on him be not increased. Monarchy in France is without all those old assouons and powerful bulwarks whence it derives almost

all its support in this, and most other countries; and there is really nothing to hinder a hostile majority in the chamber of deputies, or anything that should powerfully influence the public mind, from at once subverting the regal branch of the constitution. The peers have no real power: and there is no class that has that deep and abiding interest in the support of the existing institutions, that seems indispensable to rescue a government from sudden popular impulses, and give it security and free action. Napoleon will, most probably, be found to have correctly appreciated the existing state of things, when he declared, that the destruction of the aristocracy had proved fatal to all subsequent efforts for establishing a constitutional monarchy in France. The revolution had attempted the solution of a problem as impossible as the direction of balloons. An aristocracy is the true support of the throne; its moderator, its lever, its fulcrum. The state without it is a vessel without a rudder, a balloon in the air.' Great prudence on the part of those in authority may, no doubt, enable a government like that of France to exist for an indefinite period, but still it must be deemed of a precarious character. At present, the members of the electoral colleges constitute the only aristocratical body to be found in the country; and there is, perhaps, little to fear from the encroachments of power on the one hand, or of licentiousness on the other, as long as they continue on their present footing. But great efforts are being made to lower the qualifications of electors, and, consequently, to extend the electoral basis; and should these be successful, the government will necessarily be rendered still more dependent on popular impulse.

But though monarchy should be subverted in France, we look upon it as the merest possible delusion to imagine that there can be anything like a repetition of the enormities and outrages that accompanied the revolution of 1789. Society is now arranged on a totally new basis; there are few or no abuses to rectify; the people are not smarting from the oppressions of a host of feudal tyrants; and. though that is most doubtful, it may be supposed that they have had sufficient experience of the folly of attempting to govern the world. Provided, therefore, they are left to arrange their internal affairs as they may judge best, we incline to think that the other European nations have little to fear from any changes that may take place in the form of government in France. present, it is a democracy with an hereditary head; the only change likely to happen, is to a democracy with an elective head."

At

THE HISTORY OF SPAIN.

This country, situated in the south-west of Europe, and bounded t the Atlantic, the Mediterranean, Portugal, and France, was well know ʼn to the Phoenicians at least a thousand years before the Christian era; ye t appears to have been very imperfectly known to the Greeks in the ime of Herodotus. As far as history or tradition makes us acquainted with its aboriginal inhabitants, they were the Celtæ and Iberians, who became blended in the common name of Celtiberians. Till the coming of the Carthaginians into Spain, however, nothing certain can be affirmed of the Spaniards, and this happened not long before the first punic war

n ancient times Spain was regarded as a country replete with riches, and though at the time of the Roman conquest prodigious quantities of gold and silver had been carried out of it by the Carthaginians and Tyrians, it still had the reputation of being very rich. We are informed by Aristotle, that when the Phoenicians first arrived in Spain, they exchanged their naval commodities for such immense quantities of silver, that their ships could neither contain nor sustain their load, though they used it for ballast, and made their anchors and other implements of silver. Nor could it have been much diminished when the Carthaginians came, since the inhabitants at that time made all their utensils, even their mangers, of that precious metal. In the time of the Romans this amazing plenty was greatly reduced; still their gleanings were by no means despicable, since in nine years they carried off 111,542 pounds of silver, and 4,095 pounds of gold, besides an immense quantity of coin and other things of

value.

Although the earliest inhabitants of Spain appear to have consisted of Celtic tribes, which probably entered the peninsula from the neighbouring country of Gaul, and occupied the northern districts, there is every reason to believe that the southern part of the country was possessed by the Mauritani from the opposite coast of Africa; the narrowness of the strait of Gibraltar, and the valuable products of Spain, being inducements quite sufficient for the African barbarians to form settlements there. Accordingly, the Carthagenians, whose descent from the Phonicians led them to traffic with all those nations who could supply them with useful commodities, early directed their views towards Spain, and about the year 300 B. c., had established a colony in the north-east of the peninsula, and founded the town of Barceno, the modern Barcelona. In the course of the same century their ambition and jealousy of the Romans induced them to attempt the conquest of a country so advantageously situated for their commercial enterprises. This attempt gave rise to the second punic war. The result was the gradual annexation of the whole peninsula to the Roman republic, and it continued, under the name of Hispania, to form an important province of the empire for nearly seven centuries. It was usually divided into three great portions, Lusitania, Boetica or Hispania Ulterior, and Tarraconensis or Hispania Citerior. The Spaniards were naturally brave, and though the inhabitants of the eastern and southern coasts had been reduced to a state of servile subjection, yet, as the Romans penetrated farther into the country than the Carthagenians had done, they met with nations whose love of liberty was equal to their valour, and whom the whole strength of their empire was scarcely able to subdue. Of these the most formidable were the Nu mantines, Cantabrians, and Asturians. In the time of the third punic war, one Vieriathus, a celebrated hunter, and afterwards the captain of a gang of banditti, took the command of some nations who had been in alliance with Carthage, and ventured to oppose the Roman power in that part of Spain called Lusitania, now Portugal. The prætor Vitelius, who commanded in those parts, marched against him with ten thousand men, but was defeated and killed, with the loss of four thousand of his troops. The Romans immediately dispatched another prætor with ten thousand foot and thirteen hundred horse; but Vieriathus, having first cut off a detachment of four thousand of them, engaged the nest in a pitched battle, and, having entirely defeated them, reduced great part of the country. Another prætor, who was sent with a new army, met with the same fate; so that, after the destruction of Carthage, the Romans thought proper to send their consul, Quintus Fabius, who defeated the Lusitanians in several battles. It is not, however, necessary to pursue this portion of the Spanish history with minuteness; suffice it to say, that after many severe contests, in which the Romans were often obliged to yield to the

bravery of the Celtiberians, Numantines, and Cantabrians, Scipio Æmilianus, the destroyer of Carthage, was sent against Numantia, which, after a most desperate resistance, submitted to the Roman commander, though scarcely an inhabitant survived to grace the conqueror's triumph. This was a final overthrow, and the whole of Spain very speedily became a province of Rome, governed by two annual prætors.

Nothing of importance now occurred in the history of the peninsula till the civil war between Marius and Sylla; B. C. 76. The latter having crushed the Marian faction, proscribed all those who had joined against him whom he could not destroy. Among these was Sertorius, who had collected a powerful army from the relics of that party, and contended with great success against Caius Annius and Metellus, who were sent against him. Sertorius now formed a design of erecting Lusitania into an independent republic; and so vigorously were his measures prosecuted, that the Romans became seriously alarmed for the safety of their empire in that quarter. On the death of Sylla, the most eminent generals in Rome contended for the honour of having the command of the army which i was intended to send against this formidable enemy. After some deliber ation, the management of this war was intrusted to Pompey, afterwards surnamed the Great, though he had not yet attained the consular dignity." Metellus was not, however, recalled. Sertorius for a long time proved more than a match for them both; and after establishing himself in Lusitania, he made such perpetual attacks on their united armies, that they found it necessary to separate, one retreating into Gaul, and the other to the foot of the Pyrenees. Treachery at length effected for the Roman cause what valour tried in vain, the bold and skilful Sertorius being assassinated at an entertainment by Perperna, after having made head against the Roman forces for almost ten years. Pompey now pressed forward with redoubled ardour against the insurgent army, and the troops, deprived of their able leader, were finally subdued by him.

Though conquered, Spain was not altogether in a state of tranquility; many of the most warlike nations, particularly the Cantabrians and Astu rians, continuing, wherever opportunities presented themselves, to struggle for their independence. But from the time of Agrippa, who carried on a war of extermination against them, till the decline of the western empire, they remained in quiet subjection to the Romans. Augustus himself founded the colony of Cæsar Augusta (Saragossa), and Augustus Emerita (Merida). For four hundred years the Roman manners and language took root in the Spanish provinces, which in Cæsar's time had a population of forty millions. Tarragona had two millions five hundred thousand inhabitants; and Merida supported a garrison of ninety thousand men. In the arts of war and peace, the peninsula at that period rivalled Rome, and it gave birth to many men of first-rate character and abilities; among them. Pomponius Mela, Seneca, Lucan, Trajan, and Theodosius the Great.

In the reign of the emperor Honorius, the Gothic tribes of Vandals, Suevi, and Alans, spread themselves over the peninsula. About the year 420 the brave Wallia founded the kingdom of the Visigoths in Spain. The Vandals, from whom Andalusia received its name, could not withstand him, and withdrew into Africa in a few years after. The Visigoths, under Euric, extended their kingdom by the expulsion of the Romans in 481; and at length Leovigild, in 583, overthrew the kingdom of the Suevi, in Galicia. Under his successor, Reccared I., the introduction of the catho lic faith gave the corrupt Latin language the predominance over the Gothie and, after that time, the unity of the Spanish nation was maintained by the catholic religion and the political influence of the clergy.

Towards the end of the seventh century, the Saracens (the name adopter by the Arabs after their settlement in Europe), having overran Barbary with a rapidity which nothing could resist, and possessed themselves