convention for proposing amendments, which, in either case, shall be valid to all intents and purposes, as part of this Constitution, when ratified by the legislatures of three-fourths thereof, as the one or the other mode of ratification may be proposed by Congress; provided that no amendment which may be made prior to the year one thousand eight hundred and eight, shall, in any manner, affect the first and fourth clauses in the ninth section of the first article; and that no state, without its consent, shall be deprived of its equal suffrage in the senate. Article VI. 1. All debts contracted, and engagements entered into, before the adop tion of this Constitution, shall be as valid against the United States under this Constitution, as under the confederation. 2. This Constitution, and the laws of the United States which shall be made in pursuance thereof, and all treaties made, or which shall be made under the authority of the United States, shall be the supreme law of the land; and the judges in every state shall be bound thereby; anything in the Constitution or laws of any state to the contrary notwithstanding. 3. The senators and representatives before mentioned, and the mem. bers of the several state legislatures, and executive and judicial officers both of the United States and of the several states, shall be bound by oath or affirmation to support this Constitution; but no religious test shall ever be required as a qualification to any office, or public trust, under the United States. Article VII. The ratification of the convention of nine states shall be sufficient for the establishment of this Constitution between the states so ratifying the same. GEORGE ASHINGTO , Pres't. illiam Jackson, Se retary. AMENDMENTS TO THE CONSTITUTION. Article I. Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, ot prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press; or the right of the people peaceably to assemble and to petition the government for a redress of grievances. Article II. A well regulated militia being necessary to the security of a free state, the right of the people to keep and bear arms shall not be infringed. Article III. No soldier shall, in time of peace, be quartered in any house wiinoui the consent of the owner; nor in time of war, but in a manner to be prescribed by law. Article IV. The right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, paper* and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be Tin lated; and no warrants shall issue, but upon probable cause, supported bv oath or affirmation, and particularly describing the place to be searched, and the persons or things to be seized. ARTICLE V. No person shall be held to answer for a capital or otherwise infamous crimp, unless on a presentment or indictment of a grand jury, except in cases arising in the land or naval forces, or in the militia, when in actual service, in time of war, or public danger; nor shall any person be subject, for the same offence, to be twice put in jeopardy of life or limb; nor shall be compelled in any criminal case, to be a witness against himself, nor be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law; nor shall private property be taken for public use without just compensation. Article VI. In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury of the state and district wherein the crime shall have been committed, which district shall have been previously ascertained by law, and to be informed of the nature and cause of the accusation; to be confronted with the witnesses against him; to have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his favour; and to have the assistance of counsel for the defence. Article VII. In suits at common law, where the value in controversy shall exceed twenty dollars, the right of trial by jury shall be preserved; and no fact tried by a jury shall be otherwise re-examined in any court of the United States, than according to the rules of the common law. Article VIII. Excessive bail shall not be required, nor excessive fines imposed, no. cruel and unusual punishments inflicted. Article IX. The enumeration in the Constitution of certain rights, shall not be construed to deny or disparage others retained by the people. Article X. The powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the states, are reserved to the states respectively, or to the people. Article XI. The judicial power of the United States shall not be construed to extend to any suit in law or equity commenced or prosecuted against one of the United States, by citizens of another state, or by citizens or subjects of any foreign state. Article XII. 1. The electors shall meet in their respective states, and vote by ballot for president and vice-president, one of whom, at least, shall not be an inhabitant of the same state with themselves; they shall name in their ballots the person voted for as president, and in distinct ballots the person voted for as vice-president; and they shall make distinct lists of all persons voted for as president, and of all persons voted for as vice-president, and of the number of votes for each, which list they shall sign and certify, and transmit sealed to the seat of government of the United States, directed to the president of the senate; the president of the senate shall, in the presence of the senate and house of representatives, open all the certificates, and the votes shall then be counted; the person having the greatest number of votes for president, shall be the president, if sock number be a majority of the whole number of electors appointed; and if no one has such majority, then from the persons having the highest num bers, not exceeding three, on the list of those voted for as president, the house of representatives shall choose immediately, by ballot, the president. But in choosing the president, the votes shall be taken by states, the representation from each state having one vote; a quorum for this purpose shall consist of a member or members from two-thirds of the states, and a majority of all the states shall be necessary to a choice. And if the house of representatives shall not choose a president, whenever the right of choice shall devolve upon them, before the fourth day of March next following, then the vice-president shall act as president, as in the case of the death, or other constitutional disability of the president. 2. The person having the greatest number of votes as vice-president, shall be the vice-president, if such number be a majority of the whole number of electors appointed; and if no person have a majority, thee from the two highest numbers on the list, the senate shall choose the vicepresident; a quorum for the purpose shall consist of two-thirds of the whole number of senators, and a majority of the whole number shall be necessary to a choice. 3. But no person constitutionally ineligible to the office of president shall be eligible to that of vice-president of the United States. Article XIII. If any citizen of the United States shall accept, claim, receive, or retain any title of nobility, or honour, or shall, without the consent of Congress, accept and retain any present, pension, office, or emolument of any kind whatever, from any emperor, king, prince, or foreign power, such person shall cease to be a citizen of the United States, and shall be incapable of holding any office of trust or profit under them or either of them. CHAPTER II. THE ADMINISTRATION OF GOVERNMENT. On the second Monday of May, 1787, delegates from the several states assembled at Philadelphia, for the purpose of forming a Constitution for the United States. The preceding instrument was adopted (being mainly the production of Thomas Jefferson, of Virginia), and sent to the several states for their approval. After a due consideration by the state conventions, it was finally adopted by them all; and the Congress of July, 1788, in conclusion, fully ratified it. On the first Wednesday of January, 1789, electors of president and vice-president were appointed; and on the first Wednesday of February, 1789, George Washington, "first in war, first in peace, and first in the hearts of his countrymen," was unanimously chosen president, and John Adams, vice-president. General Washington was inaugurated as first president of the Union on the 30th of April, 1789 in the open gallery of the old Federal Hall, in New-York, where the Cus tom House now stands. And perhaps there never was a warmer response from any multitude, than that which greeted the conclusion of the cere mony with, "Long live George Washington!" And now, after an experiment of more than half a century, after having seen how completely this Constitution secures all the purposes of a good government, and at how cheap a rate, the fear and trembling which marked its commencement are exchanged for steadfast confidence and unbounded hope: it stands like fight-house on the shore of the sea of liberty, to direct the political voya ger in his perilous course to the port of freedom. In despite of the prognostications of enemies of freedom abroad, and the fears of the weak-hearted at home, the entire eight years of Washington's administration of the government passed away without his once assuming the exercise of any authority which might be termed unconstitutional. He betrayed no disposition to tyrannize, no latent desire to elevate himself or family unduly in the land; his enemies he pursued not; and they looked in vain to the last, who sought in him the slightest aspiration for any regal power. Nor were his capabilities in council less distin guished for discernment and propriety, than in the field: and the men he at first drew around him as advisers, who were subsequently confirmed as his cabinet, afforded a new evidence of his singularly admirable insight into human character, as well, also, as that the land was even then rich in the most glorious of all materiel whereof to form a nation's government, i. e., able and honest men. Thomas Jefferson, of Virginia, was his Secretary of State; Alexander Hamilton, of New York, Secretary of the Treasury; General H. Knox, of Massachusetts, Secretary of War; Samuel Osgood, of Massachusetts, Post-Master General; Edmund Randolph, of Virginia, Attorney General; and John Jay, of New-York, at the head of the Judicial department. The Associate Justices, United States' Supreme Court, were John Rutledge, of South Carolina; James Wilson, of Pennsylvania; William Cushing, of Massachusetts; Robert Harrison, of Maryland; and John Blair, of Virginia. Before the close of Washington's second term, the chief officers of his government were changed, the following names being substituted: Timothy Pickering, of Pennsylvania, Secretary of Slate; Oliver Wolcott, of Connecticut, Secretary of the Treasury; James M'Henry, of Maryland, Secretary of War; Joseph Habersham, of Georgia, Post-Master General Charles Lee, of Virginia, Attorney General; and Oliver Ellsworth, of Connecticut, at the head of the Judiciary. The American people having thus, by an energetic thou»h long and bloody struggle, thrown off all allegiance and achieved for themselves independence and an honourable position among the nations of the earth, have since continued to grow and flourish. Very few events have oc curred to disturb the harmony of the Republic; perhaps the first of any note, was an outbreak in the interior of Massachusetts, which for a short time threatened to involve the country in a civil war. One Daniel Shays, a person of some energy, about the close of the year 1786, collected together not less than two thousand men, who demanded that the collection of debts should be suspended, and that the legislature should authorize the emission of paper money for general circulation. Two bodies of militia, drawn from those parts where the disaffection did not prevail, were immediately despatched against them, one under the command of General Lincoln, the other of General Shepard. The rebels were easily dispersed; and afterwards abandoning their seditious purposes, accepted the proffered indemnity of the government. The next occurrence of a rebellious nature which took place, arose from the necessity of levying taxes for the support of government. A duty had been imposed upon spirits distilled within the country, which was bearing heavily upon the people of western Pennsylvania. The leaders of the disaffected in consequence called a public meeting, which was held in September, 1791, at Pittsburgh, and was very largely attended. Resolutions were passed at this meeting, declaring all excise taxes hostile to liberty, and denouncing all such officers as might be appointed to collect them; great exertions were made to inflame the public mind against any who should willingly pay, and to encourage resistance to the laws; ommittees of correspondence were also appointed to give unity of eys tem to their measures, and to increase the number of their associates subsequently other meetings were held at which similar resolutions were adopted. A proclamation of the president exhorting all persona to desist from illegal combinations, and calling upon the magistrates to execute the laws, was disregarded; the marshal of the state, while serving pro cesses upon delinquents and offenders, was resisted and fired upon: the inspector of the revenue, dreading the indignation of the populace pro cured a detachment of soldiers to guard his house, and they were attacks by a numerous body of insurgents, who, after setting fire to several con tiguous buildings, obliged the soldiers to leave the house and deliver them selves up; several individuals zealous in supporting the government wen ordered to leave the country, and compelled to obey. The effective strength of the insurgents was computed at seven thousand men—and an intention was openly showed of forcibly resisting the general government, with the view of extorting a repeal of the offensive laws 66 The president, conceiving himself bound by the most solemn obliga tions, to take care that the laws be faithfully executed," called out a portion of the militia of Pennsylvania, and the adjacent states, to suppress this insurrection. In the autumn of 1794, fifteen thousand were detached, and being placed under the command of Governor Lee, of Virginia, were marched into the disaffected counties. The strength of this army rendering resistance desperate, none was offered, and no blood was shed. A few of the most active leaders were seized, and detained for legal prosecution. The great body of the insurgents on submission were pardoned, as were also the leaders, after their trial and conviction of treason. The government acquired the respect of the people by this exertion of its force, and their affection, by this display of its lenity. Shortly after the commencement of Mr. Washington's administration, he strongly recommended to Congress the adoption of some effectua measures for establishing the public credit. Alexander Hamilton, in an able report on the state of the Treasury, proposed a plan for the object. He estimated the public debt to be at that time about fifty-four millions of dollars twelve millions were due to France and Holland—and the bal ance had been contracted for by the several states in the course of the war, for its support. These debts, he proposed, should all be assumed by the general government, and paid out of the public treasury. This mea sure was strongly opposed by the republican party. It was contended tha men had taken advantage of the low state of public credit, and bought up for a small price, certificates of security against the government, and that the present holders were not justly entitled to receive more than they had paid. To this it was answered, that the government originally promised to pay the whole, and the reason why these securities had depreciated, was owing to its not having exactly fulfilled this promise; and now, to preserve the public faith, the whole must be paid. Further, it was asserted that, for the general government to assume the debts of the several state governments, would be dangerous to the sovereignty of the states: but this objection was ably answered, and after some debate, the plan was in the main adopted. Another financial measure of the secretary of the treasury soon at tracted much attention and dispute. Through his means a bill was intro duced into Congress for establishing a national bank, with a capital of ten millions of dollars. This was violently opposed by the republican party. It was contended that banks were unnecessary, and that by the constitution, Congress was not vested with the competent power to establish a national bank. After a debate of great length, however, the bill was passed, by a majority of nineteen votes. Washington was now clamorously called upon to crush "the monster" by the power of his veto but he chose rather to require from the heads of departments their differ |