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EDUCATION.

A NATION OF FARMERS.

level of the organic states of western Europe. fourth of whom are chosen by the king, the rest Her present formula is not conquest, but capital, by the people. Everybody who is of age and and M.Witte, whose policy is to turn his country pays taxes to the amount of fifteen francs a year into an industrial state, is for this reason her most has a vote.” Most of the deputies are peasants, significant figure. But at present, against the illiterate, but some are born orators, and many accumulation of money during the last thirty highly intelligent. years in the United States, in Great Britain, and, above all, from a political point of view, in the German empire, there has been no counterpoise But illiteracy, apparently, will soon be a thing in Russia. In case of a struggle, even France, of the past. Mr. Losanitch says : where the fiscal problem is taking a very grave Education, with us, is compulsory and free. aspect, would need all her means for herself. If To show you the rapid strides made, in 1883 we the last sovereign wins, as in anything but a de had 618 schools with 821 teachers (male and fefensive war—as in a war against a great power male) and 36,314 pupils. We have now 920 for the Balkans or Asia Minor, or upon the Indian schools with 750,000 pupils. In the elementary frontier, or at Port Arthur, it must win—it will schools, in addition to the ordinary branches, we be admitted to be more probable than appears at teach geography, drawing, history, geometry, first sight that Russia for the present is at an al. practical agriculture, and, in the case of girls, most immeasurably greater disadvantage than at domestic duties. After a child has left school any time since Peter the Great. To mere num. he has to attend classes once a week for the next bers, unsupported by moral and intellectual su

two years. periority or concentrated striking power, when There are gymnasia, technical schools and girls' has the victory belonged ?"

high schools, and a university of three faculties. • Calchas ” says that for Russia war could only The Greek Orthodox Church is the church of mean ruin, owing to her want of money. There the state and the people, but non-conforming sects fore, Russia is peaceful, and the Hague Confer are also subsidized by the state. ence was for her an act of the highest policy, quite apart from its moral significance. • Cal chas" also foresees revolutionary dangers for In his account of industrial and social condi. Russia in the growth of the industrial population. tions, Mr. Losanitch says :

"We are a nation of peasants.

We have

scarcely any aristocracy. On the other hand, SERVIA-A KINGDOM OF PEASANTS.

we have no proletariat-the plague of your great IT T is pleasant to be reminded by a Humanitarian cities—no paupers, no submerged tenth.

interview with the Servian minister in Lon Agriculture and cattle-raising are our principal don, Mr. S. M. Losanitch, that for the good blood occupations. ... Our exports of farm produce shed in freeing Servia from the Turk there is and live stock . . . are very large. Austria is something better to show than the scandals of the our principal customer ; she purchases over 83 Servian court.

per cent. of our commodities. ... We have

doubled our trade during the last fifteen years. GOVERNMENT.

.. Our trade in . 1899 amounted to £4,486,To begin with, a nation has been created : 919. . . . We have the best and latest agricultural

“ A people—tall, stalwart men, brave to reck implements." lessness, born soldiers ; women with magnificent dark eyes, flashing Promethean fire,' and voices whose music has oft stirred the embers of patriot The Servian minister then speaks of the social ism into living flame-capable of, at any time, life of his countrymen, the basis of which is the putting a quarter of a million of well-armed men commune : in the field, is not likely to submit to being treated “All our peasants are landed proprietors. as a quantité négligeable.

Some of them are rich, while others are poor ; Mr. Losanitch declares that the recent marriage but to prevent entire pauperization, the law guar. of the King with a lady whose ancestors were men antees to each peasant five acres of land and the who fought and died in the cause of Servian free necessary number of agricultural implements. dom has endeared him more than ever to his peo They are inalienable property.

The living to ple. He is assisted in government by a council gether of families and relations in community of state of sixteen or eighteen members, each of of goods, a custom dating from time immemorial, at least ten years' service to the state. Then acts in the same direction, -it promotes social comes the Skupshtina, numbering 230, one. equality between the members of the clan.

COMMUNAL THRIFT.

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“In the next place, each commune is bound danger exists from the view which English peoby a law, which was first promulgated by King ple in general take of French colonization. The Milan, to have a general central storehouse ; each British, says the baron, believe that they alone member is bound to contribute to it annually five are capable of bringing civilization to Asiatic kilogrammes of wheat or maize. The object is races, and that of all the rest the French are the to keep in reserve certain quantities of food (we most incapable. have at present 40,000,000 kilogrammes stored . This is a settled conviction with the majority up), so as to prevent the possibility of famine. of English people. But it is childish to a degree. Should a local magazine, either through a bad or Goodness knows that personally I value Anglodeficient harvest, or from causes pertaining to Saxon civilization highly enough, and I do not a particular place, run short, iü obtains a tempo. mind saying so.

But the notion that there can rary loan from a store more favorably circum be any people in the world so perfect that it stanced.

is desirable for entire humanity to receive its “I was the means of introducing agricultural stamp,—that notion is absurd, and cannot stand societies into Servia. The idea originated in a moment's serious examination. But if the Germany, but I think we have improved upon English interrogate their conscience they will find it. The central society is at Belgrade. We have that, if they do not profess this theory, they in now more than two hundred and twenty branches every case act as if they professed it. Resultin the country, but we shall not relax our efforts, unhappy inspirations, regrettable actions, imyou may be sure, so long as there remains a vil. prudent words. It does not necessarily lead to lage without a branch."

open aggression and brutal conquests on their This is not merely a loan society. It pledges part, but the impression they labor under that its members “ to abstain from intoxicating drink, the populations of Pondicherry, Chandernagar, gambling, and all immorality.”

and Martinique, or St. Pierre and Miquelon, would

willingly welcome the Union Jack, that nothing THE PARADISE OF WIVES."

could more safely insure the happiness of the On the status of women, Mr. Losanitch says : Anamese and Malagasy than to come under

“Our girls receive a very excellent education. British rule,-this impression, I affirm, makes They have a choice of professions afterward. them indulgent to many enterprises and encroach. Some go in for teaching ; some of them become ments of doubtful loyalty, which may entail doctors; others, again, are employed in public serious consequences, for they are sparks that offices. But the greater number of them pre may set light to a very big fire. In short, they fer to get married. The majority still cling to look on our possessions with very much the same the domestic ideal—our girls are very domesti feelings with which the Americans regarded their cated.

In the house they reign supreme; no neighbors in Cuba under Spanish rule. sensible husband would ever think of question: They also regard the French colonies as stag. ing their authority in the home. The man rules nant, and think that they might turn them into outside, the woman holds undisputed sway with a source of profit to themselves and to the natives. in. Tell your readers that Servia is “the para - This is precisely the new danger which dise of wives.'

threatens Franco-British peace.

I call it new

because it has not yet had time to show itself ENGLAND AND FRANCE.

openly, and I am quite prepared to have my perTHE Fortnightly Review for June contains two spicacity doubted by any one who reads these

too many lations of England and France. The first is by

FRANCE.

are

chances that the future may prove me right, and Baron de Coubertin, and is entitled - The Con.

the friends of peace should have no illusions on ditions of Franco-British Peace." Baron de Cou

this score.” bertin does not share the general optimistic view as to the improvement of Anglo-French relations. Superficially, indeed, relations have improved,

The other danger comes from the Russian allibut the potential causes of conflict have not been Baron de Coubertin evidently does not removed. These causes are the colonial expan.

regard the alliance with enthusiasm, but he ad. sion of France and her alliance with Russia. mits that it would be impossible to go back on it.

What, then, is France's position? The condi.

tions since the alliance was entered into have Baron de Coubertin says that nobody in France changed so much that it can no longer be re. dreams of enlarging the French possessions at garded as directed against Germany. The England's expense. But a much more serious Triple Alliance is practically dead. But two

THE RUSSIAN ALLIANCE.

ance.

THE ENGLISH VIEW OF FRENCH COLONIZATION.

questions have arisen which tend to turn the good relations with England. Mr. Barclay does Dual Alliance into a potential weapon against not regard any of the outstanding questions with England. The Asiatic rivalry between England France as obstacles to arbitration. The New. and Russia may develop into war, into which foundland and New Hebrides questions are adFrance is likely to be drawn.

mirable subjects for arbitration. "Supposing one of these incidents, pushed a - The Morocco, and probably all other difficullittle bit too far—at a time when England, hav. ties which seem likely to arise for some time to ing settled her affairs in South Africa, is less come between England and France, except that trammeled in her movements—were to bring on of Egypt, will be essentially trade questions. a war between England and Russia, England Their interests for England would be singularly might be very strongly tempted to attack the diminished if the two countries agreed to a pol. enemy nearer home in the person of her ally, to icy of equality of treatment for the trade and immobilize and if possible destroy that feet, the enterprise of both for all territory annexed or first in the world after her own, which might be protectorates assumed by either country in the of so much help later on to Russia.

The temp:

future. In any case, neither England nor France tation would be so strong that possibly England has any conflicting trade rights to arbitrate upon might yield to it. And two countries would be at present, and, as regards war, it is seldom fighting without mercy, two countries that stand openly entered upon in pursuit of purely inaterial alone in the whole world as representing all that objects. Even the American Spanish and Brit. is best in liberal thought—and all for what? ish-Boer wars have only received the assent of That Manchuria may only fall more surely into the two Anglo-Saxon peoples owing to the popuMuscovite hands, and that Russian garrisons may lar belief that the motives were disinterested, be established in Afghanistan."

and that national dignity was at stake.”

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*The Austrian question also threatens the whole world :

i It is on the shores of the Baltic and Adri. atic that this moral earthquake will be felt. Our frontiers will be spared ; and if a greater Germany is formed, stretching from Hamburg to Trieste, far from being disturbed, we shall benefit by it in more ways than I have time to dis. cuss here without digressing.

" If, then, France were not bound to Russia, she could regard all these events with a tranquil eye, drawing her small profits from them here and there, and carrying on her own development in peace in the midst of the general agita tion. But, bound to Russia, she finds herself to-day mixed up in all the imbroglio at Peking, and to-morrow she may be concerned in another at Vienna.

Mr. Barclay does not regard Egypt as a prob. able irritant. The following is his recommendation of his proposal :

" One of the chief advantages of a general arbitration treaty is that, as the two nations would know that no immediate danger of war existed, and that any difficulty would necessarily be settled by negotiation, and, if need be, eventually by arbitration, they would feel no impulse to back up the government by public demonstrations and display of devil-may.care determination "to fight for country, right or wrong.' It would remove the danger of obstinacy, and of that pandering to cheap popular sentiment above which weak politicians are unable to rise, of those firm stands' which an uncritical public easily mistakes for patriotic duty."

6

Baron de Coubertin concludes his article as follows:

"These are the two great enemies of AngloFrench peace, the two sources of probable conflicts. Let the French retain their allies if necessary ; let the English exercise perpetual self-restraint, so that they may not be carried away by a disastrous cupidity."

THE future of the Triple Alliance is discussed

THE FUTURE OF THE TRIPLE ALLIANCE.
HE

by Mr. Lucien Wolf in the New Liberal Review for June. The greater part of his paper is taken up with a description of the origin of the alliance. The chief factor with which he deals is that Italy's adhesion was caused by hostility to France, and that since this hostility has passed away the raison d'être of the alliance no longer exists. Italian vanity was flattered by immediate accession to the rank of a great power, but in every other respect she lost.

• Italy seized the opportunity of conceiving new external ambitions, of adding fresh wilder.

A PLEA FOR ARBITRATION.

Mr. Thomas Barclay, who pleads for “ A General Treaty of Arbitration between Great Britain and France,” is not so pessimistic. He says that since the war of 1870 the French, both officially and unofficially, have seldom been so anxious for

GREAT BRITAIN IN THE ALLIANCE.

The re

A BAD TIME COMING.

nesses to her own retrograde acres, of assuming reasonably hope much, what must be his disposithe charge of semi-barbarous populations when tion toward his more formal allies, whose asso. she could not care for her own sons, and of risk ciation with his country has been so conspicu. ing wars in which she had no interest when the ously sterile ? The accession of the new King, financial burdens of her people had already be. however, was not the precipitating cause of the come well-nigh unbearable. If this was not 'tom Toulon festivities-or, rather, of the significant foolery,' it can only be because the word does not scope they were allowed to assume.

That cause admit of a superlative."

must be sought partly in the composition of the new Italian cabinet, in which the foreign port

folio is held by a declared Francophile, and partly The interesting part of Mr. Wolf's article is, in the agrarian agitation in Germany, which renhowever, that in which he deals with the rela. ders doubtful the renewal of the commercial tions of Great Britain to the alliance.

treaty which was negotiated in 1891, and which newal of the alliance in 1886 was agreed to by has proved very profitable to Italy." Italy only on the condition that England should become a party to it.

" It happened that Lord Salisbury, who was Mr. Wolf concludes his article by presaging a then in office, was exceedingly well disposed to the bad time as the result of the Franco-Italian fra. Triple Alliance, and there was every likelihood ternization : that if its stability could be shown to be bound - That we are about to witness a collapse of up with the maintenance of the status quo in the the Triple Alliance in form I do not believe, for Mediterranean, some sort of official connection Germany will make desperate efforts to keep it between it and England might be contrived. The together, and she will certainly secure the signavalue of such an understanding to Germany and ture even of Signor Prinetti-should he remain Austria would be enormous, for if it only took in office long enough—if she can manage to guarthe form of a guarantee of the Italian coasts it antee him the renewal of the treaty of commerce would set free 300,000 men for operations on the practically unchanged. This, I imagine, is not land frontiers. Overtures were at once made to beyond the combined powers of the Kaiser and Downing Street, where they were received with his present chancellor. But if the Triple Allithe utmost sympathy. The upshot was that Lord ance survives in form, it will have long been Salisbury, while refusing to sign any definite en dead in spirit." gagements which would pledge the country and his successors in office, authorized the German

THE GERMAN EMPEROR AND HIS HOBBIES. Government to assure Italy that as long as he was in power Italy might rely on English sup; ON this fascinating subject, Mr. R. S. Baker in the Mediterranean. With these assurances her of Pearson's Magazine. He contends that Italy was amply satisfied."

in many respects the popular conception of the In 1891, says Mr. Wolf, these assurances were Kaiser is mistaken. The Kaiser, for instance, renewed.

as is pretty well known, is not great in stature. o- This latter transaction was personally negoti. “A photograph gives no hint of color. The ated by the Emperor William at Hatfield, on July Kaiser is a brown-faced man, the brown of wind 12, 1891. In his later years, Prince Bismarck de and weather, of fierce riding on land, and of a clared that a protocol was drawn up and signed glaring sun on the sea. His face is thinner at Hatfield, but I have very good reason for be than one has pictured, and there is a hint of lieving that this was not the case. At any rate,

weariness about the eyes. His hair is thin, and if such a document was signed, it must have re. his famous mustache is not so long nor so jaun. mained in Lord Salisbury's private keeping." tily fierce as one has imagined. But owing to ITALY'S NEW POLICY.

the sin of retouching there is one thing that few

of the Kaiser's photographs show to advantage, More remarkable even than this assertion is and it is the most impressive characteristic of liis Mr. Wolf's statement that the new King of Italy, face. And that is its singular sternness in rehaving leanings to the Slav-Latin combination,

has not failed already to convince our govern Few will dispute the assertion that "William ment that his reign is likely to be marked by a II., however much one may smile at his passion sensible diminution in the traditional cordiality for royal display, has many of those splendid atoi Anglo-Italian relation ; and if that is his feel. tributes of character which would make a man ing toward us, from whom politically he might great in any sphere of life. It would be a large

pose."

serve.

company of Germans, indeed, among whom archy; and now the vexed question in England one would fail to select him instinctively as the is how far the new monarch will maintain the leader. A first impression, therefore, may thus be Victorian tradition. The power of the crown is summed up: The Kaiser is less a great king than theoretically extremely great, but in practice it is one has imagined, and more a great man. The considered as purely nominal. Under a régime longer one remains in Germany, and the more in which the sovereign exercises all his powers one learns of its ruler and his extraordinary ac nominally, while in reality he is limited to an tivities, the deeper grows this impression." absolutely subordinate rôle and cannot exercise

It is said that on an average the collection of any personal prerogative except by the advice of imperial portraits is increased at the rate of one his ministers—under such a régime obviously the per day.

In Berlin, there is no escaping the personal influence of a monarch is of enormous Kaiser's features, whether in hotel, restaurant, importance. If he is a man of strong will and church, or any public buildings. In photographs, clear ideas he can, in such a situation, obtain paintings, busts, colored prints, medals, bas practically the supreme power in the state ; but, reliefs, the Emperor's face is omnipresent. In on the other hand, if he is irresponsible, pleasureother parts the are less numerous, and in Munich loving, and indifferent to power, he can reduce hardly as noticeable.

the part he plays in the state to insignificance. WHAT INTERESTS THE KAISER MOST.

“VICTORIA, OUR QUEEN AND GOVERNOR." The German navy and the advance of German It is not generally known to what an extent shipping are, says Mr. Baker, undoubtedly the the late Queen governed as well as ruled. The chief interests of the Kaiser's life at present. old formula of constitutional monarchy—" the Allied to this is his absorption in Germany's sovereign rules, but does not govern">cannot commercial and industrial expansion, and in be applied to England without considerable refinding new markets for her products. After

Mr. Chamberlain, in a recent speech, these come many smaller interests which cannot pointed out that Queen Victoria, although always all be classed as hobbies. The Kaiser, according strictly confining herself within the limits of the to his character-sketcher, does not care much constitution, had nevertheless attained a degree for science or literature. Horse-racing leaves him unenthused.

• He loves travel ; he entertains high respect for religion—a religion of his own stern kind; he dabbles in art and music ; he cares nothing for social affairs unless they have some specific purpose, or unless they reach the stage

pageant. ry in which he is the central figure. But among all his lesser likings nothing occupies such a place as statuary. He is preëminently a monument-lover. Not long ago he said to a friend : • There are thirty-four sculptors in Berlin.' He knew every one of them personally, and he knew all about their work. Nothing pleases him better than to visit their studios and to be photo graphed there among the clay sketches."

HIS MAJESTY'S

RESOLVE. “HOW WILL KING EDWARD GOVERN?”

The arduous du

ties which now deTo the second May number of the Revue de

volve upon me by Paris, Mr. Stead contributes a paper on inheritance, and to this important question. He begins by pointing which I am deterout that in England the power of the monarch

mined to devote my

whole strength durdepends much more on the character of the mon

ing the remainder arch than is generally supposed ; this is certainly of my life."-Vide proved by the extent to which Queen Victoria address to Privy herself both modified and developed the mon

Council by his Maj

esty the King, archy in Great Britain. Indeed, it is not too much to say that the late Queen effected a radi. cal revolution in the whole conception of mon. From the Weekly News (Birmingham, England).

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of

THE KING SURVEYS HIS TASK.

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