us and our goods, by appointing for us judges so settled, so sworn, that there can be no oppression, but they of necessity must be accessory, since if they neither deny nor delay us justice, which neither for the great nor little seal, they ought to do, the greatest person in this kingdom cannot continue the least violence upon the meanest; but this security, Mr. Speaker, hath been almost our ruin, for it hath been turned, or rather turned itself into a battery against us; and those persons who should have been as dogs to defend the sheep, have been as wolves, to worry them.

These judges, Mr. Speaker, to instance not them only, but their greatest crime, have delivered an opinion, and judgment in an extrajudicial matter, that is such as came not within their cognizance, they being judges, and neither philosophers, nor politicians; in which, when that is so absolute and evident, the law of the land ceases, and of general reason and equity, by which particular laws at first were framed, returns to his throne and government, where salus populi becomes not only suprema, but sola lex; at which, and to which end, whatsoever should dispense with the King, to make use of any money, dispenses with us, to make use of his, and one another's. In this judgment they contradicted both many and learned acts and declarations of Parliament; and those in this very case, in this very reign, so that for them they needed to have consulted with no other record, but with their memories.

They have contradicted apparent evidences by supposing mighty and eminent dangers, in the most serene, quiet, and halcyon days that could possibly be imagined, a few contemptible pirates being our most formidable enemies, and there being neither prince nor state with whom we had not either alliance, or amity, or both.

They contradicted the writ itself, by supposing that supposed danger to be so sudden that it would not stay for a Parliament, which required but forty days' stay, and the writ being in no such haste, but being content to stay seven times over.

Mr. Speaker, it seemed generally strange that they saw not the law, which all men else saw, but themselves. Yet though this begot the more general wonder, three other particulars begot the more general indignation.

The first of all the reasons for this judgment was such that they needed not any from the adverse party to help them to con

vert those few, who before the last suspicion of the legality of that most illegal writ, there being fewer that approved of the judgment than there were that judged it, for I am confident they did not that themselves.

Secondly, when they had allowed to the King the sole power in necessity, the sole judgment of necessity, and by that enabled him to take both from us, what he would, when he would, they yet continued to persuade us that they had left us our liberties and properties.

The third and last is, and which I confess moved most, that by the transformation of us from the state of free subjects (a good phrase, Mr. Speaker, under Doctor Heylen's favor) unto that of villeins, they disable us by legal and voluntary supplies to express our affections to his Majesty, and by that to cherish his to us, that is by Parliaments.

Mr. Speaker, the cause of all the miseries we have suffered, and the cause of all our jealousies we have had that we should yet suffer is that a most excellent prince hath been most infinitely abused by his judges, telling him that by policy he might do what he pleased; with the first of these we are now to deal, which may be a leading to the rest. And since in providing of these laws, upon which these men have trampled, our ancestors have showed their utmost care and wisdom, for our undoubted security, words having done nothing, and yet have done all that words can do, we must now be forced to think of abolishing our grievances, and of taking away this judgment, and these judges together, and of regulating their successors by their exemplary punishment.

I will not speak much; I will only say we have accused a great person of high treason, for intending to subvert our fundamental laws and to introduce arbitrary government, which we suppose he meant to do. We are sure these have done it, there being no laws more fundamental than that they have already subverted, and no government more absolute than they have really introduced. Mr. Speaker, not only the severe punishment, but the sudden removal of these men, will have a sudden effect in one considerable consideration.

We only accuse, and the House of Lords condemn; in which condemnation they usually receive advice (though not direction) from the judges, and I leave it to every man to imagine how prejudicial to us, that is, to the Commonwealth, and how partial

to their fellow-malefactors, the advice of such judges is like to be. How undoubtedly for their own sakes, they will conduce to their power, that every action be judged to be a less fault, and every person to be less faulty, than in justice they ought to do; among these, Mr. Speaker, there is one I must not lose in the crowd, whom I doubt not but we shall find, when we examine the rest of them, with what hopes they have been tempted, by what fears they have been afraid, and by what, and by whose importunity they have been pursued, before they consented to what they did. I doubt not, I say, but we shall then find him to have been a most admirable solicitor, but a most abominable judge; he it is who not only gave away with his breath what our ancestors purchased for us by so large an expense of their time, their care, their treasure, their blood, and employed their industry, as great as his unjustice, to persuade others to join with him in that deed of gift, but strove to root up those liberties which they had cut down, and to make our grievances immortal and our slavery irreparable. Lest any part of our posterity might want occasion to curse him, he declared that power to be so inherent to the Crown, as that it was not in the power even of Parliaments to divide them.

I have heard, Mr. Speaker, and I think here that common fame is ground enough for this House to accuse upon; and then, undoubtedly, there is enough to be accused upon in this House; he hath reported this so generally, that I expect not that you shall bid me name him whom you all know, nor do I look to tell you news when I tell you it is my Lord Keeper. But this I think fit to put you in mind that his place admits him to his Majesty, and trusts him with his Majesty's conscience. And how pernicious every moment, whilst one gives him means to infuse such unjust opinions of this House, as are expressed in a libel, rather than a declaration, of which many believe him to be the principal secretary! And the other puts the most vast and unlimited power of the Chancery into his hands, the safest of which will be dangerous! For my part, I think no man secure that he shall think himself worth anything when he rises, whilst our estates are in his breast, who hath sacrificed his country to his ambition, whilst he who hath prostrated his own conscience hath the keeping of the King's, and he who hath undone us already by wholesale hath a power left in him by retail,

Mr. Speaker, in the beginning of Parliament he told us,- and I am confident every man here believes it before he told it, and never the more for his telling, though a sorry witness is a good testimony against himself, that his Majesty never required anything from his ministers but justice and integrity. Against which, if any of them have transgressed, upon their heads, and that deservedly, it ought to fall; it was full and truly, but he hath in this saying pronounced his own condemnation; we shall be more partial to him than he is to himself if we be slow to pursue it. It is, therefore, my just and humble motion that we may choose a select committee to draw up his and their charge, and to examine their carriage in this particular, to make use of it in the charge, and if he shall be found guilty of tampering with judges against the public security, who thought tampering with witnesses in a private cause worthy of so great a fine, if he should be found to have gone before the rest to this judgment, and to have gone beyond the rest in this judgment, that in the punishment of it the justice of this House may not deny him the due honor both to proceed and exceed the rest.

FREDERICK WILLIAM FARRAR

(1831-)

PPOINTED Canon of Westminster in 1876, Archdeacon in 1883,

and Dean of Canterbury in 1895, Doctor Farrar has become known all over the English-speaking world, not only because of his position, but by reason of his learning, of his numerous contributions to current literature, and of such striking eloquence as he illustrates in his eulogy of General Grant. The reader will see from it that Doctor Farrar is a man of bold opinions, holding views far removed from those of the English Whigs of the eighteenth century. He was born in Bombay, British India, August 7th, 1831, and was educated at the University of London and at Cambridge. From 1871 until appointed Canon of Westminster Abbey, he was head master of Marlborough College.

E

FUNERAL ORATION ON GENERAL GRANT

(Delivered in Westminster Abbey, London, August 4th, 1885)

IGHT years have not passed since the Dean of Westminster, whom Americans so much loved and honored, was walking round this Abbey with General Grant, and explaining to him its wealth of great memorials. Neither of them had attained the allotted span of human life, and for both we might have hoped that many years would elapse before they went down to the grave, full of years and honors. But this is already the fourth summer since the Dean fell asleep, and to-day we are assembled at the obsequies of the great soldier whose sun has gone down while it yet was day, and at whose funeral service in America tens of thousands are assembled at this moment to mourn with his widow, family, and friends. Yes; life at the best is but as a vapor that passeth away. The glories of our birth and state are shadows, not substantial things. But when death comes, what nobler epitaph can any man have than this, that, having served his generation, by the will of God he fell asleep? Little can the living do for the dead. The pomps and ceremonies of earthly