give the people its chance against any smaller competition. For this, and for this only, are we to study the past, that "we, the people" of Massachusetts, may rule Massachusetts more happily in the future!

The boy who takes a stranger to the telegraph office on State Street, shall say to him: "Here Crispus Attucks died. He is our first martyr; he is from a despised race, but Massachusetts made him a freeman, and so he died for her." The boy who takes his cousin to see the azaleas in the garden, shall say: "It was here that Washington hoped to enter Boston on the ice, and so we have put his statue here." The Charlestown boy who takes his friend to the navy yard, shall say: "It was here that the boats from the other side brought over the Redcoats, and here they rallied after running down the hill." The boy who carries a parcel through Washington Street, shall say: "Here was 'Orange Street'; here was 'Newbury Street'; but we moved those names when we named it for Washington, after he rode in, in triumph, while the English fleet, retiring, whitened the bay yonder."

I believe, if I were in your Honor's chair next January, on one of those holidays which nobody knows what to do with, I would commemorate the first great victory of 1775. To do this well, I would issue an order that any schoolboy in Boston, who would bring his sled to School Street, might coast down hill all day there, in memory of that famous coasting in January 1775, when the Latin School boys told the English general that to coast on School Street was their right "from time immemorial," and when they won that right from him.

We have made a pleasure park of the Old Fort Independence, thanks, I believe, to our friend Mr. O'Neil. Let no young man take his sweetheart there, where sheep may be grazing between the useless cannon, without pointing out to her the berth of the Somerset on St. Botolph's day, the day democracy began her march round the world. Let him show her the bastions on Dorchester Heights. Let him say to her: "It was here that Lord Percy gathered the flower of King George's army to storm the heights yonder. And it was from this beach that they left Boston forever."

When he takes her to his old schoolhouse he shall ask first to see the handwriting of some of our old boys-of Franklin, of Sam Adams, of John Hancock, of Paine, of Bowdoin, and of

Hooper. They shall not stop the car at Hancock Street without a memory of the man who first signed the Declaration. They shall cross the pavement on Lynde Street, and he shall say: "These stones have been red with blood from Bunker Hill.” And when this day of days comes round, the first festival in our calendar, the best boy of our High School, or of our Latin School, shall always read to us the Declaration in which the fathers announced the truth to the world.

And shall this be no poor homage to the past-worship deaf and dumb? As the boy goes on his errand he shall say: "To such duty I, too, am born. I am God's messenger." As the young man tells the story to his sweetheart, he shall say: "We are God's children also, you and I, and we have our duties." They look backward, only to look forward. "God needs me, that this city may still stand in the forefront of his people's land. Here am I. God may draft me for some special duty, as he drafted Warren and Franklin. Present! Ready for service! Thank God, I come from men who were not afraid in battle. Thank God, I am born from women whose walk was close to him. Thank God, I am his son." And she shall say: "I am his daughter."

He has nations to call to his service. "Here am I."

He has causeways to build, for the march forward of his people. "Here am I."

There are torrents to bridge, highways in deserts. "Here am I.»

He has oceans to cross. He has the hungry world to feed. He has the wilderness to clothe in beauty. "Here am I."

God of heaven, be with us as thou wert with the fathers! God of heaven, we will be with thee, as the fathers were! Boys and girls, young men and maidens, listen to the voices which speak here; even from the silent canvas:

"You spring from men whose hearts and lives are pure—
Their aim was steadfast, as their purpose sure.

So live that children's children in their day
May bless such fathers' fathers as they pray.»

ALEXANDER HAMILTON

(1757-1804)

LEXANDER HAMILTON, the greatest of the American Federal

ists, was born in the island of Nevis, in the West Indies, January 11th, 1757. Settling in New York in 1772, he entered fully into the spirit of the controversy with Great Britain, and, in spite of his youth, attracted attention as a pamphleteer. When the Colonies declared their independence in 1776, he entered the army as an artillery Captain, and from 1777 to 1781 served on Washington's staff. From 1782 to 1783 he was a member of the Continental Congress, but though he acquitted himself with credit in Congress, as he had done in the army, it was not until the question of adopting "a more perfect union came before the country that he immortalized himself. He strove for a Federal Union of the highest possible efficiency, and he regarded as made to good purpose whatever sacrifices were necessary for securing it. His birth abroad freed him from the local attachments, "the provincial patriotism" which sought to organize in America such a league of independent republics as had wrought out the civilization of Greece. To Jefferson's idea of the Federal Government as a department of foreign affairs,” he opposed the idea of a central government, never unnecessarily aggressive, but having vested in it the final decision of every question. With rare skill, with intellectual force, and subtlety seldom equaled in history, he contended for this idea in the Federalist, in the Constitutional conventions of 1787 and 1788, and finally in Washington's Cabinet, where he had an unyielding and aggressive opponent in Jefferson. The Hamiltonian idea triumphed in the body of the Constitution, but its opponents rallied against it and checked it with the first ten amendments. Again up to the year 1800, it seemed that the Federalists would retain control of the executive machinery of the Government long enough to impress their ideas permanently on all governmental methods, but the defeat of Adams in 1800 led to a radical change of method, which was only overcome by the slow processes of half a century of gradual change, during which Hamilton was not claimed as a founder, nor acknowledged as a teacher by any party. During the latter half of the nineteenth century, the influence of his ideas has been steadily on the increase in American politics, and in 1899 they seem to be as much in the ascendant as they were in 1799.

Hamilton's death in the duel with Burr (fought July 11th, 1804) brought dueling into disrepute in America, and ruined Burr's life.

As a public speaker, Hamilton illustrates the power of intellect, subtle and persistent; flexible in its method; comprehensive in its scope; far-reaching in its grasp of the future. He was not an orator in the same sense Patrick Henry was, but behind every word he has left on record there is the power of a great mind.

THE COERCION OF DELINQUENT STATES

(Delivered in the New York Constitutional Convention of 1788)

Mr. Chairman :

HE honorable member who spoke yesterday went into an ex planation of a variety of circumstances, to prove the expe

diency of a change in our National Government, and the necessity of a firm Union. At the same time he described the great advantages which this State, in particular, receives from the Confederacy, and its peculiar weaknesses when abstracted from the Union. In doing this he advanced a variety of arguments, which deserve serious consideration. Gentlemen have this day come forward to answer him. He has been treated as having wandered in the flowery fields of fancy, and attempts have been made to take off from the minds of the committee that sober impression which might be expected from his arguments. I trust, sir, that observations of this kind are not thrown out to cast a light air on this important subject, or to give any personal bias on the great question before us. I will not agree with gentlemen who trifle with the weaknesses of our country and suppose that they are enumerated to answer a party purpose and to terrify with ideal dangers. No. I believe these weaknesses to be real and pregnant with destruction. Yet, however weak our country may be, I hope we never shall sacrifice our liberties. If, therefore, on a full and candid discussion, the proposed system shall appear to have that tendency, for God's sake let us reject it! But let us not mistake words for things, nor accept doubtful surmises as the evidence of truth. Let us consider the Constitution calmly and dispassionately, and attend to those things only which merit consideration.

No arguments drawn from embarrassment or inconvenience ought to prevail upon us to adopt a system of government rad

ically bad; yet it is proper that these arguments, among others, should be brought into view. In doing this, yesterday, it was necessary to reflect upon our situation; to dwell upon the imbecility of our Union; and to consider whether we, as a State, could stand alone. Although I am persuaded this convention will be resolved to adopt nothing that is bad, yet I think every prudent man will consider the merits of the plan in connection with the circumstances of our country, and that a rejection of the Constitution may involve most fatal consequences. I make these remarks to show that, though we ought not to be actuated by unreasonable fear, yet we ought to be prudent.

This day, sir, one gentleman has attempted to answer the arguments advanced by my honorable friend; another has treated him as having wandered from the subject. This being the case, I trust I shall be indulged in reviewing the remarks that have been said.

Sir, it appears to me extraordinary, that, while gentlemen in one breath acknowledge that the old Confederation requires many material amendments, they should, in the next, deny that its defects have been the cause of our political weakness, and the consequent calamities of our country. I cannot but infer from this, that there is still some lurking favorite imagination, that this system, with correctness, might become a safe and permanent one. It is proper that we should examine this matter. We contend that the radical vice in the old Confederation is, that the laws of the Union apply only to States in their corporate capacity. Has not every man who has been in our Legislature experienced the truth of this position? It is inseparable from the disposition of bodies, who have a constitutional power of resistance, to examine the merits of a law. This has ever been the case with the federal requisitions. In this examination, not being furnished with those lights which directed the deliberations of the General Government, and incapable of embracing the general interests of the Union, the States have almost uniformly weighed the requisitions by their own local interests, and have only executed them so far as answered their particular convenience or advantage. Hence there have ever been thirteen different bodies to judge of the measures of Congress, and the operations of Government have been distracted by their taking different courses. Those which were to be benefited have complied with the requisitions; others have totally disregarded them. Have not all of us been witnesses to