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pensive design for the foundation of a college of governing functionaries at Calcutta, in which every cadet sent out from England should pass at least two years in acquiring a knowledge of Oriental tongues, habits, traditions, beliefs, and chronicles. The scheme was on a splendid scale, but it pointed specially and specifically to the creation of a school for the constant supply of political Sappers and Miners, whose every boyish hope and adolescent thought should be concentrated upon the extension and consolidation of the empire. The Directors loathed the very notion, and sickened at the pecuniary prospects it involved. Point de zéle was their invariable admonition to young men suspected of possessing dangerous ability. They wanted larger returns, not a greater number of rebel subjects ; higher dividends, not more dominions. They thought of Lord Wellesley as a restless Satrap, whose vanity was like to ruin them; and he thought of himself as a sovereign in all but the name, of whom an ungrateful world was not worthy. The projected college was peremptorily forbidden, and instead of it, an institution of another kind was decided on. They grumbled at his choice of soldiers for political appointments, as indicating a settled purpose of encroachment and aggression. They would have him cancel Colonel Kirkpatrick’s nomination as Secretary in the political department; they desired him to recall Colonel Scott from the Residency at Lucknow; and they forwarded to him a minute,

a which roundly declared the extra allowances to Colonel Wellesley, who had been appointed to the command in the Carnatic, as a job. This was the crowning affront, which he would not endure. He told them that he felt intensely disgusted at the notion that he could be capable of yielding, or his brother of receiving, any emolument or advantage that was not fairly due. If they believed such a rebuke to be deserved, the offenders should at once be recalled, either one or both. For himself, he was weary of such treatment, and he begged that they would seek a successor, who should relieve him at furthest in the course of the autumn from a charge he no longer wished to retain. He was not, however, taken at his word. Lord Castlereagh became President of the Board of Control; and sympathising with him in most of his designs and aspirations, accorded him more effective support. Meanwhile new vistas of aggrandisement opened in a quarter where he had not ventured to anticipate them; and, in the hope of fresh acquisitions, he resolved to remain another year in India. In December 1802, he wrote to the Directors that a crisis was imminent, fraught with consequences of the greatest importance.

In 1801 the Mahratta chiefs were quarrelling among themselves. Scindia, the greatest in territorial strength, and Holkar, the most restless and warlike in spirit, distrustful of each other, alternately menaced the Peishwa, of whose traditional pre-eminence both were jealous, and whose enfeebled authority they sought to overthrow. Lord Wellesley, bent on turning their enmities to account, and bringing them all into gradual dependence upon English aid, negotiated separately with each in turn, and, by the adroit use of subtlety and daring, he succeeded ere long in drawing or driving them all into a state of dependency. His instructions to Colonel Close recite how “the Peishwa in 1798 preferred danger and independence to a more intimate connection with the British power, which could not secure him the protection of our arms without at the same time establishing our ascendency in the Mahratta empire ;” how the Peishwa had reluctantly been forced into the war against Tippoo; how, when it was over, a proposition for a subsidiary force was made to him, which he refused; how hostile a disposition this manifested; how “the inference to be deduced from these considerations was, that until irresistibly compelled by the exigency of his affairs to have recourse to the assistance of the Company, Baji Rao would never be induced to enter into any engagements which, in his apprehension, would afford to the British Government the means of acquiring an ascendency in the Mahratta empire ;” and how it was “his object to avoid that degree of control and ascendency which it was our interest to establish." Their increased distractions constituted a crisis of affairs favourable to the success of negotiations at Poona, and for the complete establishment of the interests of the British power in the Mahratta empire. The continuation of the contest between Scindia and Holkar would weaken the power and impair the resources of both, and would afford the British Government an opportunity of interposing its influence and mediation. No reasonable apprehension existed that the progress of this insidious scheme would be obstructed either by the union of the contending parties or the decisive success of either chieftain.? So long as the Durbar of Poona contained a Minister capable of penetrating the esoteric meaning of vice-regal policy, and of holding up the hands of his feeble chief, the independence of his country, though frequently imperilled, was preserved. Nana Farnavis had for many years been the real ruler of the State, contriving generally to keep on good terms with the Company without becoming entangled in obligations, the effects of which he looked upon with dread. He avowed his respect and admiration for the English, but shrunk from their political embrace; and whatever dangers might impend, he steadily refused to accept

1 Letter from Secretary Elmonstone to the Resident at Poonah. 2 Lord Wellesley, Despatches to Secret Department-Wellesley Correspondence.

their offers of permanent armed assistants. “With him has departed,” said Colonel Palmer, the first English Resident, “all the wisdom and moderation of this Government.' Baji Rao II. was the seventh of his family, the first of whom having been originally Mayors of the palace at Satara, had gradually taken the chief place in the Mahratta Confederation, leaving the Rajahs who claimed descent from Sivajî a nominal and pretentious semblance of supremacy, of which men had come to take little heed. The Hindu Durbar of Satara exercised in 1802 as little influence over Scindia, Holkar, and Berar, as that of Delhi over Oude and the Deccan. Scindia professed his readiness to help the Peishwa against Holkar; but from jealousy or some other cause left him unbefriended till too late.

As this position grew more critical, the English Resident grew more urgent in his expressions of solicitude, and warm in his proffers of auxiliary aid. He was instructed to tender a subsidiary treaty, whereby a force of 6000 men, organised and officered like that already imposed upon the neighbouring Mohammedan states, was to be permanently maintained, ostensibly as a contingent for the protection of the Peishwa’s dominions against his envious and troublesome neighbours, but really, as above noted, for securing his permanent adherence to English interests. Their pay was to be provided out of the revenues of certain districts in Guzerat, which, yielding twenty-six lacs of rupees, were to be mortgaged for the purpose. Such a force would be an effectual guarantee against the ever-threatening aggressions of Holkar and Scindia. This was the danger that was imminent. A greater danger loomed visibly in the future, and pride and policy revolted against the price demanded for immediate safety. The Ministers of the Peishwa were not insensible to the perils of the proffered aid, and month after


month the lure was held out in vain. An outlying province, comparatively small, and whose revenues it was difficult to collect, might be ceded if the subsidiary force were kept there ready to be called in upon emergency, and then withdrawn to their quarters. This would imperceptibly, if at all, humble the independence of native rule. Every stratagem of argument was employed to make this the condition of the bargain. In the eyes of the Governor-General this, however, was the point unexpressed which was not to be yielded. While the negotiation lingered, the storm burst; Poona was compassed round about by the Arab cavalry of Holkar; the Peishwa fled, and was only restored to his capital by British arms, after he had subscribed the covenant of vassalage. It was not easy even in exile to bring him to this.

At length he yielded, and on the last day of the year at Bassein he signed away his independence. It was not, indeed, so written in the bond. On the contrary, this memorable pact set forth with more than usual ostentation every guarantee and pledge of mutual respect. It expressly declared that the friends and enemies of one of the contracting parties should be friends and enemies of the other; and it confirmed all former treaties and agreements between the two states, not contrary to the tenor of the new one. It provided for the joint exertions of both, to defend the rights or redress the wrongs of either of their respective dependants or allies—the British Government undertaking not to suffer any power or state whatever to commit with impunity any act of unprovoked hostility and aggression against the rights and territories of his Highness, and at all times to maintain and defend them in the same manner as the rights and territories of the Company. The imposed guard of six thousand infantry, with the usual proportion of guns and

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