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to his chief to take up the work of the latter just where it was left. The Republican party has this year nominated such a man in the person of Mr. Hobart. But nominations of this kind have by no means been always the rule of recent years. No change of parties, for instance, could well produce a greater revolution in policy than would have been produced at almost any time during the last three years if Mr. Cleveland had died and Mr. Stevenson had succeeded him.

One sure way to secure this desired result would undoubtedly be to increase the power of the VicePresident. He should always be a man who would be consulted by the President on every great party question. It would be very well if he were given a seat in the Cabinet. It might be well if in addition to his vote in the Senate in the event of a tie he should be given a vote, on ordinary occasions, and perchance on occasions a voice in the debates. A man of the character of Mr. Hobart is sure to make his weight felt in an administration, but the power of thus exercising influence should be made official rather than personal.

The present contest offers a striking illustration of the way in which the Vice-President ought and ought not to be nominated, and to study this it is necessary to study not only the way in which the


HON. ARTHUR SEWALL. From a recent photograph.

different candidates were nominated, but at least in outline the characters of the candidates themselves.

For the first time in many years, indeed for the first time since parties have fairly crystallized along their present lines, there are three parties running, two of which support the same presidential candidate but different candidates for the vice-presidency. Each one of these parties has carried several states during the last three or four years. Each party has a right to count upon a number of electoral votesás its own. Closely though the Democrats and Populists have now approximated in their principles as enunciated in the platforms of Chicago and St. Louis, they yet do differ on certain points, and neither would have any chance of beating the Republicans without the help of the other. The result has been a coalition, yet each party to the coalition has retained enough of its jealous individuality to make it refuse to accept the candidate of the other for the second position on the ticket.

The Republican party stands on a normal and healthy party footing. It has enunciated a definite set of principles entirely in accord with its past actions. It has nominated on this platform a President and Vice-President, both of whom are thorough


of the party that had won the victory felt that it had been treated with scandalous treachery, for Tyler grew to be as repulsive to the Whigs as Polk himself, and the Republicans could scarcely have bated

going believers in all the party principles set forth in the platform upon which they stand. Mr. Mc. Kinley believes in sound finance, -that is, in a currency based upon gold and as good as gold. So does Mr. Hobart. Mr. McKinley believes in a protective tariff. So does Mr. Hobart. Mr. McKinley believes in the only method of preserving orderly liberty,—that is, in seeing that the laws are enforced at whatever cost. So does Mr. Hobart. In short, Mr. Hobart stands for precisely the same principles that

are represented by Mr. McKinley. He is a man of weight in the community, who has had wide experience both in busi. ness and in politics. He is taking an active part in the campaign, and he will be a power if elected to the vicepresidency. All the elements which have rallied behind Mr. McKinley are just as heartily behind Mr. Hobart. The two represent the same forces, and they stand for a party with a coherent organ. ization and a definite purpose, to the carrying out of which they are equally pledged.

It will be a matter of much importance to the nation that the next Vice-President should stand for some settled policy. It is an unhealthy thing to have the VicePresident and President represented by principles so far apart that the succession of one to the place of the other means a change as radical



Seyniour more than they hated Johnson. The Vice President has a threefold relation. First to the administration ; next as presiding officer in the Senate, where he should be a man of dignity and force; and third in his social position, for socially ne ranks second to the President alone. Mr. Morton was in every way an admirable Vice President under General Harrison, and had he succeeded to the presidential chair there would have been no break in the great policies which were being pushed forward by the administration. But during Mr. Cleveland's two incumbencies Messrs. Hendricks and Stevenson have represented, not merely hostile factions, but principles and interests from which he was sundered by a gulf quite as great as that which divided him from his normal party foes. Mr. Sewall would make a colorless Vice-President, and were he at any time to succeed Mr. Bryan in the White House would travel Mr. Bryan's path only with extreme reluctance and under duress. Mr. Watson would be a more startling, more attractive, and more dangerous figure, for if he got the chance he would lash the nation with a whip of scorpions, while Bryan would be content with the torture of ordinary thongs.

Finally, Mr. Hobart would typify as strongly as Mr. McKinley himself what was best in the Repub. lican party and in the nation, and would stand as one of the known champions of his party on the very questions at issue in the present election. He is a man whose advice would be sought by all who

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whatever why any voter who would wish to vote against the one should favor the other, or vice versa.

When we cross the political line all this is changed. On the leading issue of the campaign the entire triangle of candidates are a unit. Mr. Bryan, the nominee for the presidency, and Messrs. Sewall and Watson, the nominees for the vice presidency, are almost equally devoted adherents of the light weight dollar and of a currency which shall not force a man to repay what he has borrowed, and shall punish the wrong headed laborer, who expects to be paid his wages in money worth something, as heavily as the business man or farmer who is so immoral as to wish to pay his debts. All three are believers in that old-world school of finance which appears under such protean changes of policy, always desiring the increase of the circulating medium, but differing as to the means, which in one age takes the form of putting base metal in with the good, or of clipping the good, and in another assumes the guise of fiat money, or the free coinage of silver. On this currency question they are substantially alike, agreeing (as one of their adherents picturesquely put it, in arguing in favor of that form of abundant currency which has as its highest exponent the money of the late Confederacy) that “the money which was good enough for the soldiers of Washington is good enough for us." As a matter of fact the soldiers of Washington were not at all grateful for the money which the loud-mouthed predecessors of Mr. Bryan and his kind then thought “ good enough ” for them. The money with which the veterans of Washington were

Photo by Bell.


are prominent in the administration. In short, he would be the kind of man whom the electors are certain to choose as Vice-President if they exercise their choice rationally.

The men who left the Republican party because of the nomination of McKinley would have left it just as quickly if Hobart had been nominated. They do not believe in sound finance, and though many of the bolters object to anarchy and favor protection, they feel that in this crisis their personal desires must be repressed and that they are conscientiously bound to support the depreciated dollar even at the cost of incidentally supporting the principles of a low tariff and the doctrine that a mob should be allowed to do what it likes with immunity. There are many advocates of clipped or depreciated money who are rather sorry to see the deinand for such currency coupled with a demand for more lawlessness and an abandoninent by the government of the police functions which are the essential attributes of civilization; but they have overcome their reluctance, feeling that on the whole it is more important that the money of the nation should be unsound than that its law should be obeyed. People who feel this way are just as much opposed to Mr. Hobart as to Mr. McKinley. They object to the platform upon which the two men stand, and they object as much to the character of one man as to the character of the other. They are repelled by McKinley's allegiance to the cause of sound money, and find nothing to propitiate them in Hobart's uncompromisingly hon. est attitude on the same question. There is no reason

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more so.

paid was worth two cents on the dollar, and as yet institutions for the encouragement of the vice of neither Mr. Bryan, Mr. Sewall nor Mr. Watson has thrift. These pleasurable associations quite outadvocated a two cent copper dollar. Still they are weigh, with the Populist, the fact that the silver striving toward this ideal, and in their advocacy of man himself is rich. He is even for the moment the 50 cent dollar they are one.

blind to the further fact that these pro silver men, But beyond this they begin to differ. Mr. Sewall like Senator Stewart, Governor Altgeld and their distinctly sags behind the leader of the spike team, compeers, strenuously insist that the obligations to Mr. Bryan, and still more distinctly behind his rival, themselves shall be liquidated in gold; indeed this or running mate, or whatever one may choose to particular idiosyncracy of the silver leaders is not call him, the Hon. Tom Watson. There is far more much frowned upon by the bulk of the Populists, regard for the essential fitness of things in a ticket because it has at least the merit of savoring strongly which contains Mr. Bryan and Mr. Watson than one of “doing" one's creditors. Not even the fact that which contains Mr. Bryan and Mr. Sewall. Mr. rich silver mine owners may have earned their Watson is a man of Mr. Bryan's type, only a little money honestly can outweigh the other fact that

But Mr. Sewall is of a different type, and they champion a species of currency which will possesses many attributes which

make most thrifty and honest must make association with him

men poorer, in the minds of the exceedingly painful, not merely

truly logical Populist. to Mr. Watson, but to Mr. Bryan

But Mr. Sewall has no fictitious himself. He is a well-to-do man.

advantage in the way of owing Indeed in many communities he

his wealth to silver. He has made would be called a rich man. He

his money precisely as the most is a banker, a railroad man, a ship

loathed reprobate of Wall Street builder, and has been successful

-or of New York, which the in business. Now if Mr. Bryan

average Populist regards as syn. and Mr. Watson really stand for

onymous with Wall Street-has any principle it is hostility to this

made his. The average Populist kind of success. Thrift, industry

does not draw fine distinctions. and business energy are qualities

There are in. New York, as in which are quite incompatible with

other great cities, scoundrels of true Populistic feeling. Payment

great wealth who have inade their of debts, like the suppression of

money by means skillfully calcuriots, is abhorrent to the Populistic

lated to come just outside the line mind. Such conduct strikes the

of criminality. There are other Populist as immoral. Mr. Bryan

men who have made their money made his appearance in Congress

exactly as the successful miner or with two colleagues elected on

farmer makes his,—that is, by the the same ticket, one of whom

exercise of shrewdness, business stated to the present writer that

daring, energy and thrift. But no honest man ever earned $5,000

the Populist draws no line of di. a year; that whoever got that

vision between these two classes. amount stole it. Mr. Sewall has

From a sketch byna They have made money,

and earned many times $5,000 a year.

notification meeting, that is enongh. One may have

Aug. 12. He is a prosperous capitalist.

built railroads and the other Populism never prospers

have wrecked them, but they are where men are unprosperous, and

both railroad men in his eyes, your true Populist is especially intolerant of business and that is all. One may have swindled his creditors,

If a man is a successful business man he and the other built up a bank which has been of at once calls him a plutocrat.

incalculable benefit to all who have had dealings He makes only one exception. A miner or specu with it, but to the Populist they are both gold bugs, lator in mines may be many times a millionaire and and as such noxious. Mr. Sewall is the type of man yet remain in good standing in the Populist party. the contemplation of which usually throws a Populist The Populist has ineradicably fixed in his mind orator into spasms. But it happens that he believes the belief that silver is a cheap metal and that sil in free silver, just as other very respectable men ver money is, while not fiat money, still a long believe in spirit rapping, or the faith cure, or Budstep toward it. Silver is connected in his mind dhism, or pilgrimages to Lourdes, or the foot of a with scaling down debts, the partial repudiation of graveyard rabbit. There are very able men and very obligations, and other measures aimed at those lovely women who believe in each or all of these, odious moneyed tyrants who lend money to persons and there are a much larger number who believe in who insist upon borrowing, or who have put their free silver. Had they lived in the days of Sparta ill-gotten gains in savings banks and kindred wicked they would have believed in free iron, iron coin





being at that time the cheapest circulating medium, Now on all these points Mr. Sewall can hardly the adoption of which would give the greatest ex- feel complete sympathy with his temporary allies. pansion of the currency. But they have been dragged He is very anxious that the Populists shall vote for on by the slow procession of the centuries, and now him for Vice-President, and of course he feels a they only believe in free silver. It is a belief which kindly emotion toward those who do intend to vote is compatible with all the domestic virtues, and even for him. He would doubtless pardon much heresy occasionally with very good capacities as a public of political belief in any member of the electoral servant. Mr. Sewall doubtless stands as one of college who feels that Sewall is his friend, not these men. He can hardly be happy, planted firmly as he is, on the Chicago platform. In the minds of most thrifty, hard-working men, who are given to thinking at all about public questions, the free silver plank is very far from being the most rotten of the many rotten planks put together with such perverted skill by the Chicago architects. A platform which declares in favor of free and unlimited rioting and which has the same strenuous objection to the exercise of the police power by the general government that is felt in the circles presided over by Herr Most, Eugene V. Debs, and all the people whose pictures appear in the detective bureaus of our great cities, cannot appeal to persons who have gone beyond the unpolished-stone period of civilization.

The men who object to what they style "government by injunction " are, as regards the essential principles of government, in hearty sympathy with their remote skin-clad ancestors who lived in caves, fought one another with stone-headed axes, and ate the mammoth and woolly rhinocerous. They are interesting as representing a geological survival, but they are dangerous whenever there is the least chance of their making the principles of this agesburied past living factors in our present life. They are not in sympathy with men of good minds and sound civic morality. It is not a nice thing to wish to pay one's debts in coins worth 50 cents on the

COULD WILLIE BE SO HEARTLESS?" dollar, but it is a much less nice thing to wish to plunge one's country into anarchy by providing that Watson,--Codlin, not Short. He has, of course, a the law shall only protect the lawless and frown vein of the erratic in his character, or otherwise he scornfully on the law-abiding. There is a good deal would not be in such company at all, and would of mushy sentiment in the world, and there are have no quality that would recommend him to them. always a certain number of people whose minds are But on the whole his sympathies must lie with the weak and whose emotions are strong and who effer- man who saves money rather than with the man vesce with synipathy toward any man who does who proposes to take away the money when it has wrong, and with indignation against any man who been saved, and with the policeman who arrests a chastises the criminal for having done wrong. These violent criminal rather than with the criminal. Such emotionalists, moreover, are always reinforced by sympathy puts him at a disadvantage in the Poputhat large body of men who themselves wish to do list camp. He is loud in his professions of belief in wrong, and who are not sentimental at all, but, on the remarkable series of principles for which he is the contrary, very practical. It is rarely that these supposed to stand, but his protestations ring rather two classes control a great political party, but at hollow. The average supporter of Bryan doubtless Chicago this became an accomplished fact.

intends to swallow Sewall, for he thinks him an Furthermore, the Chicago convention attacked the unimportant tail to the Bryan kite. But, though Supreme Court. Again this represents a species of unimportant, he regards him with a slight feeling of atavism,—that is, of recurrence to the ways of irritation, as being at the best a rather ludicrous thought of remote barbarian ancestors. Savages do contrast to the rest of the kite. He contributes no not like an independent and upright judiciary. They element of strength to the Bryan ticket, for other want the judge to decide their way, and if he does men who work hard and wish to enjoy the fruits of not, they want to behead him. The Populists expe- their toil simply regard him as a renegade, and the rience much the same emotions when they realize average Populist or Populistic Democrat does not like that the judiciary stands between them and plunder. him, and accepts him simply because he fears not

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From the N. Y. Press.

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