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THE WEST AND THE EAST. PROTEST against Mr. Godkin's strictures on the West (see REVIEW OF REVIEWS for June), is uttered by Mr. Charles S. Gleed, of Kansas, in the August Forum. It will be remembered that a considerable part of Mr. Godkin's article in the May Forum was devoted to the supposed hostile attitude of the West toward the East. Mr. Gleed now declares that Mr. Godkin is not personally familiar in any broad sense with the people living west of the Alleghanies, and therefore cannot fairly judge of their "attitude."

"He looks at these people through the twisted lens of his own dislike-not to say hatred-of sundry men, measures, parties, and publications which he assumes are representative of the whole West. This assumption is brutal and unintelligent. On the other hand, my own convictions concerning the West are based on a lifetime of close contact with all the larger communities between the Alleghanies and the Pacific, except those of the southern States east of the Mississippi River. I have scrutinized these communities from the points of observation of the student, the editor, the lawyer, the business man, and the general observer. I have taken careful note of the temper, convictions, and general characteristics of the western people. and I assert with positive conviction that there is no such attitude' of the West toward the East as that described by Mr. Godkin.

"On the contrary, the attitude of the West toward the East is of the most friendly character. It is natural that this should be so; it is impossible that it should be otherwise. The western people came from the East, or their ancestors did; and almost without exception they are bound to the East by the closest ties of consanguinity. They have taken pains to go East and to sudy the East. To them the East is back,' while to the eastern people the West is out.' They are proud of the great interests and institutions of the East. They feel that the East stands between them and Europe, and that thereby our country presents a majestic front to the Old World. They have been principally educated in the East; and their preachers, teachers, physicians, and intellectual leaders generally are of eastern training. Their systems of law and government are from the East. All the literature they read above the local newspaper is from the East; their educational methods are adopted from eastern standards. Every western banker or financier watches the chiefs of his profession in the East as pupils watch their teachers. Western merchants go East for their goods. Western people seeking recreation go East for their rest. There is no possible room, in short, for any such general feeling of hostility as Mr. Godkin describes."

THE WEST NOT "ISOLATED." "Ignorance about foreigners and foreign relations cannot successfully be charged against the West,

especially in view of the history of the western people. Chicago, Milwaukee, Cincinnati, New Orleans, St. Louis, Kansas City, Omaha, Minneapolis, Den ver, Los Angeles, San Francisco, Portland-are all cities with very great foreign populations. All the States in which these and similar cities are located have large percentages of foreign-born citizens. The gold and silver producing States have from 25 to 50 per cent. of foreign-born voters. Colorado has always been peculiarly in the hands of Englishmen. Most of the mines in all these States are owned in Europe. The markets chiefly relied on by all the great western producers are European markets. In the West, the producers of cotton, corn, wheat, cattle, and the manufactured products growing out of these primary products, such as dressed meats, flour, etc., all have their eyes fixed intently on the European markets. The eastern manufacturer is looking to the West, but the western producer is looking to the Far East. There, and there only, does he find the chief market for his own surplus.'

PROUD OF HER RECORD.

"The West is ready to stand by the record it has made, and though it may be in a manner and to some degree ignorant, provincial, isolated, envious, and otherwise bad, it yet remembers that it has given to this country its Lincoln, its Grant, its Shermans, and thousands of others whose services to the country and to humanity have been beyond measure. It also remembers that it has borne the heat and the burden of the day, in peace and in war, in business and in politics-having always had a preponderance of power since the time when the center of population moved down the western slope of the Alleghanies into the great valley. The record is a glorious one, and I am glad to feel certain that eastern people generally know it and appreciate it— a few of their editors to the contrary notwithstanding."

The Problem of the West.

In the September Atlantic, Frederick J. Turner has an article entitled "The Problem of the West," which attempts to explain the underlying causes of the social and political unrest culminating in the Chicago convention of 1896. He considers the phenomenon a not illogical result of the check to expansion which has necessarily come with the occupation of the Pacific lands and the loss of frontier opportunities. Mr. Turner says:

"This, then, is the real situation: A people composed of heterogeneous materials, with diverse and conflicting ideals and social interests, having passed from the task of filling up the vacant places of the continent, is now thrown back upon itself, and is seeking an equilibrium. The diverse elements are being fused into national unity. The forces of reorganization are turbulent and the nation seems like a witches' kettle :

'Double, double, toil and trouble,
Fire burn and cauldron bubble.'

"But the far West has its centres of industrial life and culture not unlike those of the East. It has state universities, rivaling in conservative and scientific economic instruction those of any other part of the Union, and its citizens more often visit the East, than do eastern men the West. As time goes on, its industrial development will bring it more into harmony with the East.'

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SOME AMERICAN MILLIONAIRES :

And How They Got Their Millions.

N American who writes from intimate personal knowledge, but prefers to remain anony. mous, tells in Cornhill with much sympathy the story of several of our millionaires. He claims that even if the 4,000 millionaires own between them $40,000,000,000 out of the $76,000,000,000 which form the total national wealth, still the balance leaves every citizen $500 per head as against $330 per head forty-five years ago. He argues that millionaires have grown by making other classes not poorer but richer.

.THE FIRST VANDERBILT.

The wealth of the Vanderbilts is now said to total at least $400,000,000:

"Commodore Vanderbilt, who made the first Vanderbilt millions, was born just a century ago. His capital was the traditional bare feet, empty pocket, and belief in his luck-the foundation of so many American fortunes. Hard work, from six years of age to sixteen, furnished him with a second and more tangible capital-namely, $100 in cash. This money he invested in a small boat; and with that boat he opened up a business of his own-the transportation of vegetables to New York. At twenty years of age he inarried, and man and wife both turned money makers. He ran his boat. She kept a hotel. Three years later he was worth $10,000. After that his money came rapidly-so rapidly that when the civil war broke out, the boy, who had started with one boat, value $100, was able to present to the nation one of his boats, value $800,000, and yet feel easy about his finances and his fleet. At seventy years of age he was credited with a fortune of $70,000,000.”

THE FIRST ASTOR.

"The Astor fortune owes its existence to the brains of one man and the natural growth of a great nation, John Jacob Astor being the only man in four generations who was a real money-maker. The money he made, as he made it, was invested in New York City property; the amount of such property is limited as the city stands upon an island. Conse. quently the growth of New York City, which was due to the growth of the Republic, made this small fortune of the eighteenth century the largest American fortune of the nineteenth century. The first and last Astor worthy of study as a master of mil

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lions was therefore John Jacob Astor, who, tiring of his work as helper in his father's butcher's shop in Waldorf, went, about one hundred and ten years ago, to try his luck in the new world. On the ship he really, in one sense, made his whole fortune. met an old fur-trader who posted him in the tricks of Indian fur-trading. This trade he took up and made money at. Then he married Sarah Todd, a shrewd, energetic young woman. Sarah and John Jacob dropped into the homely habit of passing all their evenings in their shop sorting pelts.

In fifteen years John Jacob and Sarah his wife had accumulated $250,000. A lucky speculation in United States bonds, then very low in price, doubled John Jacob's fortune; and this wealth all went into real estate, where it has since remained."

FOUR RAILWAY MAGNATES.

Leland Stanford, Charles Crocker, Mark Hopkins, and Collis P. Huntington went to California in the gold fever of 1849. When the trans-continental railway was mooted these four "saw millions in it," and contracted to make the Union Pacific. "The four men, penniless in 1850, are to-day credited with combined fortune of $200,000,000 :

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"One of them, Leland Stanford, had designed to found a family; but ten years ago his only son died, and he then decided to establish a university in memory of that son. And he did it in princely fashion, for while yet in the flesh' he 'deeded' to trustees three farms containing 86,000 acres, and, owing to their splendid vineyards, worth $6,000,000. To this he added $14,000,000 worth of securities, and at his death left the university a legacy of $2,500,000 -a total gift by one man, to one institution of learning, of $22,500,000, which is said to be a 'world's record.' His wife has announced her intention to leave her fortune, some $10,000,000, to the university."

ROCKEFELLER AND CO.

"The most remarkable instance of money-making shown in the history of American millions" is that furnished by the Standard Oil Trust :

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"Thirty years ago five young men, most of them. living in the small city of Cleveland (state of Ohio), and all comparatively poor (probably the whole party could not boast of £10,000), saw monetary possibilities in petroleum. In the emphatic language of the old river pilot, They went for it thar and then,' and they got it. To-day the same party of five men are worth $600,000,000. . John D. Rockefeller, the brain and nerve' of this great 'trust,' is a ruddy-faced man with eye so mild and manner so genial that it is very hard to call him a ' grasping monopolist.' His hobby' now is education, and he rides this hobby in robust, manly fashion. He has taken the University of Chicago under his wing, and already the sum of $7,000,000 has passed from his pockets to the treasury of the new seat of learning in the second city of the Republic."

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After a word of pity for Jay Gould the writer tells of J. S. Morgan, who-" born in Massachusetts, a farmer boy first, then clerk in a dry goods shop, then clerk in a bank, was able, out of his savings, at the age of thirty-eight, to establish in Boston a commercial house which soon took the first place in the Republic."

At forty three years of age he became partner and successor of George Peabody in London, and died in 1890 worth $10,000,000.

THE MAKER OF WINANS' FORTUNE.

The source of the millions of Mr. Winans of Scottish deer forest fame is next told :

"They were practically the sole product of one man, Ross Winans, who died in Baltimore twenty years ago. He was a farmer lad, and made his first money out of a new plough, which he invented. Then he turned his inventive genius to railways, and was the first to perfect the manufacture of camel-back railway engines, and to suggest the idea of eight-wheel railway car trucks. Russia wanted railway communication between Moscow and St. Petersburg. Winans was sent for by the Emperor, given his own terms, and so he made millions which his children have been content to let alone, while they took life by easy stages. This fortune is now taken as showing a total of $35,000,000." Charles T. Yerkes, the street railway king, penniless twenty years ago, is now worth $15,000,000.

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ish Nobility," the moral of which is exactly that which was set forth at some length in the pages of the REVIEW OF REVIEWS when the English aristocracy was treated as part of "The Wasted Wealth of King Demos." The reviewer publishes a letter from the Duke of Rutland, in which he describes the part played by the "Young England Movement" in improving the relations between class and class, and in ameliorating the condition of the poor. The reviewer marvels that Mr. Lecky should have failed to derive any substantial encouragement in his anticipations for England from the manner in which the recently enfranchised British voters have used their power. The total failure of Mr. Gladstone's attack on the House of Lords fills him with confidence in the future. The Radical programme, he thinks, was by no means absurd. It was indeed dangerously effective:

"It was so broad and vigorous in its general conception that it would have had a very good prospect of success, if only one condition had been present. That condition was a widely-spread disposition among the working classes to believe that the nobil ity were animated by a spirit of aristocratic dislike

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That condition, however, did not exist, so Radical strategy failed, and recent history since the last Reform bill affords abundant ground for the belief that if the class possessing leisure will play their part, the electorate will welcome and generally follow their lead; but there is an "if" in this, and although our reviewer is very polite, he cannot disguise the fact that many of the peers come very far short of living up to their privileges. The danger has not passed away with the huge majority of nearly one hundred and fifty:

"How could it be so, when over against the conspicuous splendor and elaborate luxury of life in the town and country palaces of the high nobility, maintained somehow despite agricultural depression and Harcourtian budgets, is to be set the world of suffering and of struggle conveyed by Mr. Charles Booth's careful estimate that 30 per cent. of the population of London are under the 'poverty

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'But it must be admitted that, in not a few cases, men of rank, who have had all the advantages of those institutions, are lamentably deficient in the mental equipment required for an adequate comprehension of national questions, whether domestic or external. They know little more of those problems than may be picked up from the newspapers, and are unable to reproduce what they do know, or such reflections on it as they may have put together, in a style appreciably superior to the average of the speeches in a second-class debating society in a manufacturing town. This is so poor a result of generations of inherited political power that, apart from all considerations of its effect on the present and future position of their class, the English aristocracy ought to regard it as a reproach to be cleared away as completely and as early as may be.

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The people have a right to expect that, in return for the enjoyment of their inherited estates and dignities, this class should make a fine art of the conduct of public affairs, from the Parish Council to the House of Lords."

THE OPPORTUNITY OF LOCAL SELF-GOVERNMENT.

The reviewer rejoices to note that the more active and influential county magistrates have been chosen to be councilors, but he says lugubriously:

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shall present a record of steadily advancing enlightenment, or shall decline upon poor and unworthy standards.

"Nor is it only in the counties that an important mission demands the loyal acceptance of the English 'aristocracy. There are many welcome signs of the spread of higher standards, æsthetic and sanitary, of municipal life in the great towns; and with this, largely causing it, partly caused by it, an increasing readiness on the part of men of education and good breeding to take an active interest in the conduct of local affairs. The improvement may be powerfully aided by the co-operation of the neighboring territorial aristocracy. But it is not by any means certain that the younger generation of the landed aristocracy, titled or untitled, recognize the duty incumbent upon them to take up the succession of such work. It is of great importance that they should do The work is eminently worthy of the intellectual, moral, and even æsthetic sympathies of all patriotic citizens.”

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But it is not enough that dukes and earls should serve as mayors, as ornamental appendages of British municipal institutions:

"All this is well; but if the aristocracy are to retain that confidence in their fitness for parliamentary and municipal responsibilities which the masses appear ready to repose in them, it can only be by resolute application of their energies to the duties which they undertake. A merely ornamental discharge of parliamentary or municipal functions, coupled from time to time with expressions of sympathetic interest in the welfare of the masses, will not serve and ought not to serve."

SOCIALIZE THE DUCAL CASTLE.

Nor will this impatient reviewer be contented even if the peer grudges its mayoral functions, like the galley slave at his oar. He must not only preside over his councilors in the town, he must invite them and their wives to his country house. No doubt, he hastens to remark, it is much easier for a great lady to fill her house from year to year with people who need little or no looking after, than to make judicious selections of guests representing different social atmospheres and modes of life, but if they took the trouble they would find the game well worth the candle :

"The fruit of such work, if well done, would be twofold. It would ensure a lasting and progressive enrichment of the interest of life to all concerned. The conversation of the drawing room and of the smoking room, both in the town mansion and the country house, would become both more extended in its range and more varied in its point of view. This is not only to say that social intercourse would become brighter, more attractive, and more refreshing, with far less of sameness and the resulting ennui than at present. The great country mansions in the northern counties, at which it would be thought a natural thing to find in a house-party leading merchants and manufacturers or even pro

fessional men from any of the towns within easy reach, are quite exceptional. There is no sufficient reason why this should be so. There are to be found

in the towns many ladies and gentlemen with a breadth of culture and an ease and refinement of manner amply qualifying them to associate on terms of equal mutual pleasure and advantage with the families and friends of the neighboring nobility. It is pure loss all around that such association is still quite rare, and there is an odd perversity about the habits which make it so."

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A LABOR-YARD AT TRADES-UNION WAGES.

The Metropolitan Poor Law Union of St. Olave's enjoys the privilege of possessing a democratic board of guardians. The task of administering the Poor law is admittedly a difficult one, but it is one on which a vast amount of experience has been accumulated and put on record. But, like the emperor who was super grammaticam, the St. Olave's board was a law unto itself. They resolved to dispense with those salutary tests of destitution which experience has shown to be necessary, and which in the case of the able-bodied are actually prescribed by law and by the orders of the Local Government Board. During the winter of 1894-95, this board opened a labor-yard for the relief of the able-bodied, but, neglecting the advice that applicants are to receive not wages but relief proportioned to their necessities, the guardians determined to pay their relief on the scale of trades-union wages.

THE RESULT: FOUR SHILLING'S WORTH OF WORK FOR £7.

"The labor-yard remained open from January 7 to March 28. During that period 61,617 days of employment were given at a cost of £10,782, exclusive of cost of management. The total expenditure was about £18,000. The stone broken cost the guardians £7 per ton as compared with 4s., which is said to be the cost of the same work in the open market. The relief was not effectual for the purpose intended. Admittedly the yard was monopolized by the criminal and semi-criminal classes, and the conditions of the relief were such that no respectable workman could accept them. A large proportion of the men did no work at all, so lax was the supervision that many absented themselves from the yard till the hour of payment arrived, some of the payment was given in kind, and the tickets and groceries so distributed were in many cases exchanged

for drink. This method of procedure offered no solution of the difficulty.

LOOK ON THIS PICTURE!

"By the end of March, when the guardians decided to close the yard, they had succeeded in collecting, in normal weather, between 800 and 1,000 men whose daily resort was the labor-yard. Obviously this congestion of unemployed labor left the difficulty in an aggravated condition, when this large number of men were suddenly deprived of their employment.

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The maladministration of the St. Olave's board has been so flagrant that the Local Government Board has disallowed a portion of the subvention, which had otherwise been due to it from the Common Poor Fund. Unfortunately, the loss falls upon the ratepayers of St. Olave's, and not on the guardians."

AND ON THIS AT WHITECHAPEL.

"The above incident is only one item in a long course of mismanagement which, considering the widespread suffering and demoralization caused thereby to the poorest and most helpless class of the community, may fairly be described as criminal. The possibility of reducing pauperism by a care'ul administration is generally admitted. From 1870-71 to 1880-81 there was a general fall in pauperism throughout the metropolis, in which movement St. Olave's participated. The pauperism of Whitechapel and St. Olave's fell from 61.6 and 44.7 per 1,000 of population in 1870-71 to 25.1 and 27.5 in 1880-81. In 1884 a new policy was introduced into St. Olave's, and in 1892-93 the rate per 1,000 had risen again to 40.3, while in Whitechapel the decline continued, reducing the rate per 1,000 to 21.5. "The key to this unfortunate result is afforded by the following figures:

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"The policy of the Whitechapel Union, as is well known, is influenced by a permanent official who has thoroughly mastered the scientific aspects of Poor law administration. Yielding to his advice, the board has pursued a continuous policy of reducing outdoor relief for the last twenty-five years. About 1884 the St. Olave's board seems to have fallen into the hands of some ignorant or malevolent persons who, by adopting a contrary policy, have multiplied pauperism and raised the burdens of the ratepayers to an alarming extent. Unfortunately its procedure is typical of many other unions, and of the democratic science by which they are governed."

THE Quiver is chiefly noticeable for Hector Maclean's sketch of the human Oddments and Wastrels of London, and the commencement of a new serial story by Helen Boulnois, "Jervis Carew's Ward."

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PRACTICAL SOCIALISM IN SWITZERLAND. As Described By an American Observer. JESSE MACY contributes to the American Journal of Sociology for July a very interesting sketch of "The Swiss and Their Politics." Professor Macy was delighted to find the Swiss so much in advance of the American in all that relates to the control of plutocracy by the people. Intelli gent Swiss with whom he talked were amazed at the extent to which the country of George Washing ton was dominated by the power of the purse. Yet there is no socialism in Switzerland excepting that of the practical kind, some illustrations of which Professor Macy describes in the following passage:

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AN OBJECT LESSON FOR AMERICANS.

"I have been surprised at the cool and matter-offact way in which the Swiss, through their governmental agencies, assume control of industrial operations which Americans regard as belonging to private enterprise. The Swiss were among the first to adopt the government telegraph. This suited them so well that when the telephone had fully demonstrated its usefulness, without any special debate or fuss about the matter, they made the telephone an integral part of the postal-telegraphic. system. For about $9 one has the use of a telephone for a year, with connections in all parts of the city and country. They have a parcels post which corresponds to our express business. It cost me 5 cents to send by mail my manuscript on the English Government from one end of Switzerland to the other. For a like service in the United States mail I think I have paid 75 cents. It is only recently that measures have been adopted looking to the government ownership of all the railways of Switzerland, and I have been completely dumbfounded at the apparent lack of interest in the subject. The government has recently taken charge of the manufacture and sale of matches. I think the government monopoly of the sale of alcoholic drinks has excited more debate. But the point of interest has been the suppression of drunkenness rather than the industrial effects. There is now a measure before the national legisla ture for establishing a national bank, and this is causing some newspaper discussion. All these are enterprises of the national government.

"In the cantons and in the cities there are movements of a similar character. Various cantons and communes have in recent years assumed the burden of burying the dead.

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