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Kelly, of Pennsylvania, the oldest member in continuous service, and a living cyclopedia of facts on all subjects relating to tariff, taxation and industrial conditions. “Pig-iron Kelly" he was nicknamed, on account of his persistent advocacy of high duties on iron. McKinley may be said to have sat at the feet of Kelly during his first two terms in Congress. When visiting newspaper men asked the old occupants of the reporters' gallery who that young man was that so strikingly resembled the pictures of Napoleon the reply was usually, “Oh, that's old Pig-iron Kelly's lieutenant, Major McKinley, of Ohio." The old Philadelphia statesman warmly appreciated this attitude of pupil to master on the part of the serious and studious young member from Ohio, and he more than once said that when he left Congress he hoped that his mantle as the leader of the protectionists would fall upon McKinley's shouders. Whether McKinley then looked forward ambitiously to the possibilities of future leadership I cannot say, but he certainly took every means at hand to equip himself for the position that afterward came to him as a conceded right. He was a hard student of the history of tax and tariff measures and of their influence on industrial conditions, and his memory became a storehouse of facts that served
him as keen weapons in debate. When he was put upon the Ways and Means Committee, at the session which began in 1881, taking Garfield's old place, his fitness for the work was acknowledged on all hands. During his first term the House heard but little from him, but before the close of his second term he had won a reputation as a singularly clear and logical debater, who had a great talent for marshaling facts in order like a column of troops and throwing them against the vital point in a controversy. He had a pleasing voice of good, strong quality, he never rambled, he told no anecto des, he indulged in no sophomoric flights of oratory ; he went straight to the marrow of his theme by processes of argument and illustration so clear, simple and direct that he won respect and admiration from both sides of the House. One of his leading opponents used to say that he had to brace himself mentally not to be carried away by the strong undercurrent of McKinley's smooth and persuasive talk.
After 1882 all of McKinley's nominations for Congress were given him by acclamation. He had be. come much the strongest member of the Ohio dele. gation and nobody wanted to contest the district for his seat. Democratic legislatures tried three times to throw him out of Congress by changing the
boundaries of his district so as to make it heavily Democratic on national issues, but he overcame every hostile majority until 1890, when the old Republican counties of Mahoning and Columbiana were left out in the gerrymander and the two unwavering Demo. cratic counties of Wayne and Holmes were added to Stark so as to put McKin. ley in a district with a hostile majority of nearly four thousand. He made a tremendous fight against hopeless odds, stumping the district from town to town, and he cut down the adverse majority to 303, polling 2500 more votes than had been given to Harrison in 1888. His defeat made him Governor of Ohio the next
year, and the people of the state rebuked the partisanship that threw out of Congress the most prominent and the most useful of all the Ohio repre sentatives by giving him a substantial majority of about 21,000.
THE CHAMPION OF THE PROTECTION IDEA.
McKinley's first speech in Congress was on the tariff and his last speech was on the same theme. From the beginning of his public career he has been the unfaltering, sturdy, consistent and intelligent advocate of the principle of protection to American industries by tariff duties imposed with the purpose of keeping the cheap labor products of European and Asiatic countries out of
MAJOR M'KINLEY AS CONGRESSMAN.
our vast and desirable American markets. He lessons all around him, or that he should have wel. is not, as was Garfield, for such protection as will comed the leadership and instruction of William D. lead to ultimate free trade. He believes that free Kelly, as soon as he reached Washington, and should trade is a dream of theorists, which would bring in then have begun the task of studying the history dustrial ruin and poverty to the United States if it and science of tariffs ? Nor was it alone in the towns were put into practice, benefiting no class but the of Ohio that McKinley thought he saw the manifest importing merchants of the seaboard cities. He has benefits of protective legislation. His home county no patience with tariffs formed to "afford incidental of Stark is one of the richest and handsomest farmprotection.” Tariff bills, he thinks, should aim ing districts in the United States. The rolling land. primarily at protection, and tariff legislation should scape presents views of agricultural prosperity which be scientific and permanent, with a view to the con recall the Midland counties of England. The farmtinuous prosperity of the industrial classes. This steads, flanked by apple orchards and grain fields was the chief aim of the McKinley bill, passed and pastures, peer out upon the well-kept highways when he was chairman of the Ways and Means through screens of cherry trees, maples and lilac Committee. No doubt other minds in both House bushes, and the big red barns speak of good care for and Senate helped to frame that measure, but Mc stock and of abundant harvests. All the land is Kinley's thought and work were on every page of it. tilled or grazed save the wood lots, of which every When the Republican party was defeated in 1892, farmer has one of from five to ten acres, to furnish largely through public misapprehension of that fuel and to give his children the delights of an measure and before it had received a fair trial, Mc autumn nutting season and of a fortnight of maple Kinley was one of the few Republican leaders who sugar making in the early spring. The farms will continued to breast the adverse current and who not average much over eighty acres in extent and never faltered a moment in the faith that the tide the farm-homes give unmistakable evidences of abwould set back to protection. Others wanted to sence of mortgages and of all the means needed for change front and abandon the high protection prin rural comfort. It will hardly be controverted that ciple. He refused, and proceeded to realign his the prosperity of this large rural population and this party on the old line of battle. He set out to edu almost ideal condition of farm life is due to the fact cate public sentiment anew, and during his memor that there is a market in the many manufacturing able stumping tour of 1894 he made 367 speeches and towns for everything the farmer has to sell, whether spoke in the states of Indiana, Illinois, Missouri, it be currants or cattle, pigs or poultry, apples or asKansas, Nebraska, Iowa, Minnesota, Wisconsin, paragus. If Stark county depended solely on raising Michigan, Kentucky, Tennessee, Alabama, Missis wheat to ship to Europe and cattle to feed eastern sippi, Louisiana, West Virginia, Pennsylvania, New cities it could not possibly present its present aspect York and Ohio. For eight weeks he averaged seven of a dense rural population living in a condition of speeches a day, ranging in length from ten minutes prosperity that to a European peasant would seem to an hour.
to be opulence. Major McKinley has had before him To understand the strength and sincerity of Mc this cheery spectacle of rural progress and comfort Kinley's convictions on the tariff question one must beside that of the growth of the towns ever since he be somewhat familiar with his environment in Ohio. hung up his sword and opened his law books. If he The portion of the state in which he lives has be had not been gifted with a mind prone to original come a great hive of shop and factory industries thought and research he would have absorbed his during his lifetime. He has seen his own town of tariff views from his environment. Canton grow from a population of 4,000 to one of
A GREAT CAMPAIGNER. 35,000. A little east of him and in his old eighteenth district is Youngstown, which had 2,500 peo Ohio has produced two of the three greatest politple when he lived in Poland and has now 35,000. ical campaigners of my day-James A. Garfield and Salem, nearer his home, has increased from 2,000 to William McKinley. I need hardly say that the 10,000. Akron, about twenty miles north of Canton, third was James G. Blaine, of Maine. The chief claims 40,000 people and had not more than 3,000 qualities that go to the making of a really great when McKinley was a boy.
stump orator are simplicity and directness of state. All these towns, and a dozen more in the same ment, a clear, far-reaching voice, a winning personsection of Ohio, such as Niles, Massillon, Alliance, ality, an inborn faculty for giving to spoken thoughts Mansfield and Wooster, have prospered thus notably such a projectile force as will secure for them a on the basis of protected manufacturing industries. lodgment in other minds, and finally, physical en. Cleveland, the city of the region, had perhaps 100, durance. All these qualifications McKinley pos000 people when Major McKinley was first elected sesses to a high degree. He has not as wide a range to Congress in 1876 and has now 325,000, and all its of thought and illustration as Garfield had, and he growth in these past twenty years has come from the is not as magnetic and as spontaneous as Blaine development of iron, steel and allied industries. Is was ; but neither of those two superb orators had as it any wonder that McKinley should be an ardent great a gift for going straight to the understand. champion of protection with these striking object ings of plain people as he possesses. He never tells
a story in his speeches ; he is the personification of great stumping tour in 1894, which unquestionably seriousness and earnestness. He quotes no poetry, won for him the presidential nomination, more he strives for no merely oratorical effects ; he never than two millions of people in eighteen states heard abuses his political antagonists or the opposition his voice. Once he made seventeen speeches in party. He always starts out to convince the under twenty-four hours. At Hutchinson, Kansas, thirty standing of his hearers ; then, when he has pre thousand people assembled to hear him, and in Tosented his facts and set forth his processes of reason peka his audience was estimated at twenty-five ing, quietly, logically and persuasively, he warms thousand. up, his deep-set eyes glow, his form seems to tower, Major McKinley is charged with being a man of his voice rings out like a trumpet and he drives in one idea. It is true that a very large number of his his argument with sledge-hammer blows of short, speeches have dealt with the tariff question, but he sonorous, epigrammatic sentences. He has wonderful is by no means deficient in grasp of other public staying qualities. He is never exhausted. To every issues and in a stout volume of his addresses which fresh audience he brings the charm of a vigorous I have before me I find that he has treated on public presence. He has extended his stump-speaking platforms the following topics, among many others: work from his county to his Congressional district, Free and fair elections, equal suffrage, labor arbitrafrom his district to his state and from his state to tion, public schools, the Arnerican farmer, civil the whole country; and I do not believe there is a service reform, the American volunteer soldier, the public man of this day who has made as many ad silver question, the eight hour law, the Hawaiian dresses or talked to as many people. During his treaty, the American workman, and in memorial
addresses the characters and careers of Garfield, ment ; he urged the building of good roads, opGrant, Logan, Hayes and Wm. D. Kelley, and that posed the careless authorization of local indebtedhe has brought to all these themes the same evi. ness that had become an evil ; he favored short ses. dences of careful study and of sincere conviction and sions and little legislation ; he advocated laws for has displayed in their treatment the same power of the protection of workingmen engaged in hazardous clear and direct presentation which characterize occupations, and he was a notable champion of the his many speeches on the tariff.
principle of arbitration for the settlement of is. GOVERNOR OF OHIO.
putes between employers and employees. It was
largely through his influence that a state Board of Major McKinley was twice nominated for Gov.
Arbitration was established, and that the great coal ernor of Ohio by acclamation and twice elected, the
miners' strike in the Hocking Valley and in the second time by the phenomenal majority of 80,995 -a
Massillon region was brought to an end. Ohio hismajority that was the most thorough popular en
tory will rank McKinley among the really eminent dorsement possible of his first administration. The
Governors of the Buckey e state-with Vinton, Governorship of Ohio is an office of more dignity Meigs, Chase, Brough, Dennison and Hayes. than real power. The State constitution gives to
PERSONAL TRAITS. the chief executive no right of veto over bills passed by the legislature and he therefore forms no part of William McKinley is a stockily built man of methe law-making power. When a bill has passed dium stature. His body is long above the hips and both houses it is signed by the President of the this peculiarity makes him look to be much taller Senate and the Speaker of the House and then be when he is sitting down than he really is. His frame comes a law. The Governor may address the legis is muscular and he must have had great physical lature in messages on pending matters of general strength as a young man. The head would be called state concern, but it would be regarded as highly massive and an unusually large part of it is in front improper for him to use his personal influence with
of the ears. The upper lip is noticeably broad, the inembers for or against any bill. The only exception chin is large and firm, the nose of good size and to this rule of unwritten law is where some measure symmetrical shape, the forehead wide and high, and is under consideration which contravenes or seeks the eyes are large and of a dark gray color. They to give effect to a plainly declared principle of the are shaded by projecting brows and at night they party which elected the Governor, a principle set appear to be almost black. The hair is thin and forth in its platform and passed upon by the people straight and is just beginning to turn gray. The at an election. Concerning such measures a Gov habitual expression of the face is one of gravity and ernor may put forth the influence of his personal kindness. If the phrase did not sound too sentiviews and his political station. It would therefore mental the fittest words to characterize McKinley's be absurd to go over the mass of Ohio legislation look would be a sweet seriousness. His manners are from January, 1892, to January, 1896, the period cov very cordial and they do not seem to have been cultiered by Governor McKinley's term, to make points vated for political popularity, for you will note many for or against him in the present presidential can little acts of kindness and attention that are not
For that legislation he was not responsible. called for by ordinary politeness. He is as amiable The appointing power of an Ohio Governor is with secretaries, stenographers and servants as with pretty closely limited to members of the boards senators and governors. He accompanies his visitwhich manage the numerous penal, benevolent and ors to the hall door and cautions them about the educational institutions of the state and of such steps, on which an electric street lamp throws a commissions as are instituted by the legislature for mass of shadow from the foliage. He is not in the temporary service, but even this power is restricted least effusive--on the contrary his habitual attitude by established custom. Most of the boards are com in conversation is one of reserve--but the friendli. posed of five members and the custoin is that three ness of his manner impresses you as genuine. He shall be taken from one of the two great political usually dresses in black and wears a frock coat but. parties and two from the other. In the past it has toned up, with either the tri-colored rosette of the often happened that boards have been legislated out Loyal Legion or the copper button of the Grand of office bodily by partisan majorities in the General Army in the upper button-hole. This and a very old Assembly, to give the party in power a chance to fashioned plain gold shirt-stud and his wedding ring fill them with its own people, but the progress of are his only ornaments. His house is neatly furnished opinion brought this vicious practice to a close some in the manner of village homes, and there is nothing time before McKinley entered the State House. noticeable in its interior except the library, which is
Governor McKinley's messages to the legislature stocked with books on history, biography, politics were a suprise to political opponents who regarded and economic science and displays on its walls some him as a one-idea statesman. They showed an inti good engravings and photos of statesmen and war mate acquaintance with the affairs of the state and a heroes. broad comprehension of all matters affecting public McKinley's tastes are all simple and his habits of interests. He discussed the problems of taxation, living have not been much changed since he was a and the very serious probleins of municipal govern young attorney. He eats heartily of plain food, has
a good digestion, sleeps well and takes very little exercise. His daily walk to his mother's house, which is about a half a mile from his own, is about all the muscular activity he gets. He does not make use of wine or liquors, although he is not a prohibitionist, and he has no desire to enforce his own habits in this respect on other people. He smokes four cigars a day, having lately prescribed this liinit, finding he has been smoking too much. His social recreations consist in going out with his wife to some neighbor's house to take tea and spend the evening, but a great many people come to see him, and his house has always an inviting atmosphere of informality and friendliness encouraging to men and women to drop in for a chat with the Major and his wife. Every Sunday he goes to the Methodist church, which is the handsomest church edifice in Canton. There he has his membership and his pew and he is one of the sturdy pillars of the denomination. At the same time there is nothing of the bigot or the religious controversialist in him. He never discusses religion with the people of other faiths. He has his own belief and he is entirely willing that they should have theirs. He owns property which would be worth in good times about fifty thousand dollars. It is all in Canton and most of it is in the form of a business block. His failure in 1893 grew ont of his endorsement of paper for a friend who ran a little bank in Poland. All of his property and all of his wife's property was then put into the hands of three trustees and they managed matters so as to pay off the debts and save all the real estate holdings of the McKinleys in Canton. It is said that the Major derives from his rents an income of between three and four thousand dollars a year.
The Major, as all his friends call him, is a fluent and interesting conversationalist. His voice is of an agreeable pitch and well modulated. His favorite topics are national history, the characters and influence of famous statesmen of the past, recollections of many prominent Americans of the present generation with whom he has come into personal association, incidents of the Civil War, and memories of early times and early friends in Ohio. His range of reading is not wide and does not go much into the fields of pure literature. Its chief tenden. cies are to history, biography and political economy. He reads the leading magazines and half a dozen daily papers. His favorite New York daily is the same paper copies of the weekly edition of which he used to put into the subscribers' boxes in Poland when he was a clerk in the post office forty years ago. Occasionally, when on a journey, he reads a popular novel.
ANOTHER OHIO Seven Presidents of the United States were born in Virginia.-Washington, Jefferson, Madison, Mon. roe, William Henry Harrison, Tyler and Taylor; but only the first four of these made their political careers in that State. It is now nearly half a cen. tury since the last Virginian by birth, Zachary Taylor, occupied the White House. New York has
given the nation four Presidents--Van Buren, Fill. more, Arthur and Cleveland, and they were all citizens of that State at the time they held the office. Three Presidents were born in North Carolina–Jackson, Polk and Johnson, but, singularly enough, all three were elected as Tennesseeans. In Ohio were born four Presidents--Grant, Hayes, Garfield and Harrison, but Grant was elected from Illinois and Harrison froin Indiana. If McKinley is elected Ohio will rank next to Virginia as a mother of Presidents. General Garfield used to account for the great prominence of Ohio men in public life in his time by saying that on the soil of Ohio met and mingled the two best strains of American blood, the Virginia strain and the New England strain All signs in the political sky now point to the election of McKinley in November, and we may well ask ourselves what sort of a President is this fifth son of Ohio, in the list of twenty-four occupants of the White House, likely to make ? The question is not an enigma. The man has heen eight een years in national politics, and for much of the time a conspicuous figure; his character is an open book, and his convictions on public issues are on record and may be read by all men. We may expect from him a conservative, pure administration. I believe that it will be sturdily American in its policy, for McKinley comes from our great mid-continental plain and is not, like many men who live upon the Atlantic rim of the country, largely influenced by European thought and example. Its dominant ideas will be protection and sound money McKinley will unquestionably use the influence of his position to restore to our tariff statutes the principle of ainple, scientific and symmetrical protective duties. He will oppose all efforts to detach the money of the country from the present standard in use by all the great civilized, commercial nations of the world, whether by the issue of irredeemable paper or by giving to an unlimited quantity of silver a legislative fiat value greater than its actual value as a metal. He will not, I am confident, aim to make a one man power of the administration. Having appointed a strong cabinet, made up of representative men of his party, he will distribute the duties and responsibilities of government among them, as contemplated by the constitution, and hold each minister accountable for the work of his own department. He will be accessible to all men who have legitimate business with the Chief Magistrate and he will carry to the highest station in the lanı the courtesy and dignity which he has unfailingly displayed as a Congressman and a Governor. He will be a harmonizer for his party, for he has none of the domineering temper and stubborn egotism that breed political strife and create personal antagonisms. Among the early Presidents his proto. type will be Madison and he will most resemble Hayes among our later Presidents. He comes from the great, sturdy, independent, moral and earnest American middle class that forms the solid basis of our whole political and social fabric.